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Full text of "America's race problems"



THE LIBRARY OF THE 

UNIVERSITY OF 

NORTH CAROLINA 

AT CHAPEL HILL 




ENDOWED BY THE 

DIALECTIC AND PHILANTHROPIC 

SOCIETIES 



E18U 
.A 1 

1901 



UNIVERSITY OF N.C. AT CHAPEL HILL 



10000861391 



This book is due at the WALTER R. DAVIS LIBRARY on 
the last date stamped under "Date Due." If not on hold it 
may be renewed by bringing it to the library. 



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America's 3ftace 
problems; 






Jpjmerua's J^ace 







ADDRESSES AT THE ANNUAL 
MEETING OF THE AMERICAN 
ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SO- 
CIAL SCIENCE, PHILADELPHIA, APRIL 
TWELFTH AND THIRTEENTH, MCMI 




NEW YORK 
PUBLISHED FOR THE AMERI- 
CAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL 
AND SOCIAL SCIENCE, BY 
McCLURE, PHILLIPS & CO. 

MCMI /Z°** 0TaHc 4* 




^CHAP^^ 



CONTENTS 

PAGB 

PART I: THE RACES OF THE PACIFIC. 
C.THE NATIVES OF HAWAII: A 
STUDY OF POLYNESIAN CHARM. 
TITUS MUNSON COAN, A.M., M.D., 

NEW YORK CITY 9 

C.THE RACES OF THE PHILIPPINES: 
THE TAGALS. REV. CHARLES C. 
PIERCE, D.D., CHAPLAIN U. S. ARMY. 21 
CTHE SEMI-CIVILIZED TRIBES OF 
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. REV. 
OLIVER C. MILLER, A.M., D.D., CHAP- 
LAIN U. S. ARMY 43 

PART II: THE CAUSES OF RACE SU- 
PERIORITY. EDWARD A. ROSS, PH.D., 
UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA. . . 67 

PART III: THE RACE PROBLEM AT 
THE SOUTH. 

{[INTRODUCTORY REMARKS BY COL- 
ONEL HILARY A. HERBERT, EX-SEC- 
RETARY OF THE NAVY, WASHING- 
TON, D. C 95 



iPAGB 

C.THE RELATION OF THE WHITES TO 
THE NEGROES. PRESIDENT GEORGE 
T. WINSTON, LL.D., NORTH CAROLINA 
COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE AND ME- 
CHANIC ARTS, RALEIGH, N. C. . . 105 
CTHE RELATION OF THE NEGROES 
TO THE WHITES IN THE SOUTH. 
PROFESSOR W. E. BURGHARDT DU 
BOIS, PH.D., ATLANTA UNIVERSITY. 121 

PART IV: THE RACES OF THE WEST 
INDIES. 

COUR RELATION TO THE PEOPLE 
OF CUBA AND PORTO RICO. HON. 
ORVILLE H. PLATT, UNITED STATES 
SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT. . 145 

CTHE SPANISH POPULATION OF 
CUBA AND PORTO RICO. CHARLES 
M. PEPPER, ESO., WASHINGTON, D. C. 163 
CREPORT OF "THE ACADEMY COM- 
MITTEE ON MEETINGS. . . .181 



PART I : THE RACES 
OF THE PACIFIC 



(5) 



THE NATIVES OF HAWAII: A STUDY 
OF POLYNESIAN CHARM. BY TITUS 
MUNSON COAN, A.M., M.D., NEW YORK 



(7) 



JULY 1901 

ANNALS 



OF THE 



AMERICAN ACADEMY 

OF 

POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE 



THE NATIVES OF HAWAII : A STUDY OF 
POLYNESIAN CHARM. 

By Titus Munson Coan, A. M., M. D., 

Of New York. 

The eastern or brown Polynesian race, the Savaioris as 
they have been called, to distinguish them from other 
Oceanic races, have very definite characteristics, physical 
and mental. They are most nearly related to the Cambojan 
group, " their true affinities being with the Caucasians of 
Indo-China" (Keane). They are in noway, however dis- 
tantly, related to the negro. Their habitat is in the southern 
and eastern Pacific Ocean, where they occupy Samoa, Tahiti, 
Tonga, the Marquesas, Tuamotu, Tokelau, Ellice, Rotuma, 
New Zealand, the eastern Fijis, Tarawa, Manega, Phoenix 
and Lagoon Islands, Easter Island, and in the north Pacific 
the Hawaiian group. 

In all these islands and groups, however widely separated 
geographically, we find a people that is essentially one in 
blood, language, usages, traditions and religion. They rank 
high among races. Keane says: " They are one of the 
finest races of mankind, Caucasian in all essentials; distin- 
guished by their symmetrical proportion, tall stature, aver- 

(9) 



io Annai^s of the American Academy 

aging five feet ten inches, and handsome features. Cook 
gives the palm to the Marquesas islanders, ' who for fine 
shape and regular features surpass all other natives.' " 
Lord George Campbell remarks: "There are no people in 
the world who strike one at first so much as these Friendly 
Islanders [Tongans]. Their clear, light copper-brown col- 
ored skins, yellow and curly hair, good-humored and hand- 
some faces, — their tout ensemble formed a novel and splendid 
picture of the genus homo; and as far as physique and appear- 
ance go they gave one certainly an impression of being a 
superior race to ours. ' ' The Savaioris are similarly described 
by most of the leading observers. They are also among the 
kindest, most gentle-mannered and generous people in the 
world, and but for the oppressions of their priests and kings 
would have been the happiest. 

What are the causes of this exceptional development? 
Under what conditions, material and psychical, has that 
development taken place? Only the briefest answer can be 
attempted here, and that only for one typical group, the 
Hawaiian. Some of the main conditions of this develop- 
ment were the following: 

i. Geography, orography, — The largest island, Hawaii, 
has an area of four thousand square miles; the group 
stretches four hundred miles from northwest to southeast, 
and all the principal islands had rival kings. Frequent 
wars, naval excursions and invasions were the result. The 
islands are all mountainous, offering secure fastnesses to the 
contending factions, and the ancient Hawaiians developed 
a good fighting physique. 

2. Climate. — The Hawaiian climate is the most equable 
tropical climate in the world. It is never, as in other 
tropical islands, excessively hot. The usual range of tem- 
perature is from 70 to 8o° Fah. ; at the sea level it never 
falls below 55 Fah., nor does it ever exceed 90 . Hurri- 
canes and typhoons are absolutely unknown. This uniform- 
ity and this immunity are due to an ocean current from the 



The Natives of Hawaii ii 

north, which tempers the winds and laves the island coasts 
in an ever-flowing stream at a temperature of about 70 . 

The innocent Hawaiian climate favored the habit of outdoor 
life, which was almost universal, the native huts being used 
only for sleeping places and for protection from the rain. It 
also developed aquatic and seagoing habits. The nearness 
of the islands to each other, the gentle winds, the sea, 
never violently tempestuous, though often rough, these made 
the natives the most powerful and daring swimmers in the 
world, trained them in fishing and seagoing, and tempted 
them away on long ocean voyages — as far as to the Society 
Islands, 2,000 miles to the southward. In fishing, too, they 
became great experts. 

3. The soil was in large part fertile. This, with the favoring 
climate, made but a few weeks' labor in the year necessary. 
The natives did not exert themselves toilsomely in agricul- 
ture. Their principal food was the root of the taro; this 
being nearly all starch, it produced great obesity, especially 
in the chiefs, who, having much to eat and not much to do, 
grew excessively fat. 

4. Negative Conditions. — The total absence of wild beasts 
and noxious vermin, as well as of destructive tempests and 
temperatures, was favorable to the psychical development and 
the genial content of the islanders. Nature had no ter- 
rors for them; even the great volcanic eruptions of Mauna 
L,oa and Kilauea, exceeding in magnitude all others on 
record, were very seldom destructive of human life; nor did 
the violent earthquakes do more than jostle the grass cot- 
tages of the dwellers in this lotos land. 

The Hawaiians thus enjoyed, in the main, very peaceable 
conditions of existence. They were indeed harassed by the 
tabu and by the wars of their chieftains; but the struggle 
for life, as known in more densely populated countries, was 
not known to them. They found time for some forms of 
culture. They had no plastic art; metals were unknown, 
and they never attained more than a limited skill in mechani- 



12 Annals of the American Academy 

cal arts: but in poetry there was an interesting development, 
in the form of sonorous chants or meles couched in a peculiar 
poetic diction; in these were embodied the exploits and the 
lives of their heroes, as well as their traditions, mythol- 
ogy, and even their astronomical, botanical and animal 
lore. 

They had a very acute eye for nature. Their language is 
full of terms for all visible things and doings; but it was 
little capable of expressing general conceptions, such as time, 
goodness, temperance, virtue; thus there were many syn- 
onyms for rain and sunlight, calm and storm, but no word for 
weather. This deficiency caused much trouble to the mis- 
sionaries in the task of translating the Scriptures into the 
native tongue. The things most valued by the natives in 
old times were the sticks of Oregon pine, which at long 
intervals came drifting to the islands from the northwest 
coast, and were eagerly seized to be fashioned into war 
canoes. It is said that when the translator came to the pas- 
sage in the Epistles, reading: ' ' Add to your faith knowledge, 
and to your knowledge temperance, and to your temperance 
virtue," he appealed to his native assistant for the Hawaiian 
word for virtue, which he described as the most desirable of 
all possessions. The native was puzzled; neither the con- 
ception of virtue, as we understand it, nor any correspond- 
ing word, existed in Hawaiian; but at last he said: " I 
understand ) r ou now," and gave the missionary a word which 
made the passage read: " Add to your faith knowledge, and 
to knowledge temperance, and to temperance a stick of 
Oregon pine." 

Here then we have a community under most favoring 
conditions for happiness, a good climate and soil, an abound- 
ing sea, and freedom from the terrors of nature. Supported 
by a few days' labor in the month, the natives had leisure to 
cultivate poetry, dancing, games, and the social pleasures, 
together with the virtues of kindness, courtesy, and gener- 
osity. "The social and family affections," says Fornander, 



Thk Nativks of Hawaii 13 

"were as strong iu the old Hawaiians as in any modern 
people, Christian or pagan. ' ' They divided their possessions 
with their friends, and took pleasure in doing it. L,azy and 
greedy persons were not wholly unknown among them ; 
but they had their punishment — they were stigmatized by 
such terms as hoapili mea at, a friend for the sake of a dinner. 

Briefly, here were a happy people. And why ? Because 
they were exempt from the regime of competition — there 
was food for all; in time of peace at least there was no strug- 
gle for life. But why, again, was this ? why this exemption 
from the usual fate of man ? 

The usual answer is that which we may seem to have given 
already — the fertile soil, the genial climate, the abounding 
sea, the entire absence of noxious natural forces. But 
this, like other usual answers, explains nothing; it is no 
answer at all. In countries like Java, Ceylon, and large 
parts of India and China we find natural conditions not 
indeed absolutely so favorable as these, yet nearly so ; but 
these are the very countries that have suffered terribly from 
overcrowding and famine. In Hawaii the conditions are 
those which elsewhere have produced over-population, and 
its resulting degradation ; yet in Hawaii there was no 
over-population; although they had their hard times they 
had no destructive famines. During the nineteen years of 
my residence there, there were sometimes shortages in the 
taro and sweet potato crops ; the natives went into the 
woods, and dug up a kind of fern that had a succulent, 
starchy root, and with this and a little fish they eked out 
an existence; but destructive famines are not in their record. 

What then is the explanation of the Polynesian immunity 
from the struggle for life, and from the misery and debase- 
ment that accompany it? Why were not these islands 
crowded, like countries under the old civilizations, with mil- 
lions of people whose entire energies are spent in the effort 
to earn, not a living, but half a living or less? 

The data for the answer have long been before the student, 



14 Annai^s of the American Academy 

yet the true answer as I think has not yet been given. The 
ancient Hawaiian's exemption from the struggle for life, 
and the effect of this exemption on his character, were not due 
to climate, or to soil, or to any physical conditions ; none of 
these things gave the Samoan, the Tahitian, the Tongan, 
Hawaiian, his joyous temperament, his winning manners, his 
generous heart. 

Throughout Polynesia the struggle for life was evaded by 
restricting the ?iatural increase of population. By this restric- 
tion the population was kept down to the means of comfort- 
able subsistence ; there was food enough for all ; the com- 
munity lived under no economic stress ; and in consequence it 
attained, as we have seen, this remarkable development of 
genial and generous traits and of material happiness. 

Now this has a direct illustrative bearing, as it seems to 
me, on the greatest of social problems — the lessening of 
human suffering, the augmentation of human happiness. 
No sane thinker would advocate a resort to the barbarous 
and wasteful infanticide of the Polynesians; but in all over- 
populated communities to-day, and throughout the world 
in the not distant future, the great question must be this: 
How to limit the mere quantity, and how to improve the 
quality of the population. 

To some this problem seems to lack actuality, as long as 
any corner of the world remains uncrowded; and emigra- 
tion is proposed as a cure. But, in the first place, emigra- 
tion on a sweeping scale is an impossibility. Imagine the 
population of a great city being called upon to emigrate; 
where are the means to come from ? What would become 
of the people if deported in masses ? Few of them could 
attach themselves to the soil. In a word, the relief of 
emigration is not feasible except on a limited scale; for more 
reasons than one, it is impossible in a majority of cases. 
But suppose emigration were possible. How long would 
the relief thus given endure ? Only for a few years. As 
commonly after wars and famines, the population would 



The; Natives of Hawaii 15 

spring tip more rapidly than before, and the gap would soon 
be filled. Neither in the old world nor the new has the 
poverty of crowded cities ever been cured by emigration. 

Now consider other schemes of alleviating misery, poverty, 
crime; put any other theory of reform to the test, and you meet 
the same difficulty. Some theorists regard a better education 
as a cure-all; some would seek relief in improved legislation, 
others in a better knowledge of the laws of health; others in 
finding employment for the poor, in wisely directed chari- 
ties; others say in morals, the Sermon on the Mount; others 
in religion, culture, philosophy. All of these are good and 
desirable, but none of them touch the essential point; none 
would prevent the overcrowding of the poorer population. 
Suppose any of these reforms actually carried out. Would 
any of them, would all of them together, materially check 
the multiplication of the unfit ? The eternal law of Malthus 
survives; its cruel action is little hindered by any of the 
popular philanthropies. They have been ineffectual in the 
past, they will be found ineffectual in the future. The 
only effective relief of human suffering will be found in 
checking the multiplication of the unfit— in the intelligent 
limiting of mere numbers, and the consequent improve- 
ment of quality. It is the most difficult of reforms, because 
both State, Church, and popular opinion (especially among 
men), are against it, yet it is a problem that grows in im- 
portance with each new generation. The restriction of 
population in France, while it is disadvantageous as long as 
a nation's virtue is measured by the size of its armies, is a 
step in the right way. 

The reform that is most needed in the world is one 
of a distant future; it is to look for quality, not mere 
quantity of life, and to put humane and scientific checks 
upon over-population. Only in this way will the cruel 
struggle for existence ever be lessened; only thus will future 
generations suppress poverty, disease and crime, the vicious 
circle which is the despair of civilization. 



16 Annals of the American Academy 

At the conclusion of Dr. Coan's address the following col- 
loquy took place between him and persons in the audience: 

Dr. Martin: Has that restriction of population to the 
means of subsistence in the islands been continued ? 

Dr. Coan: No. Since the islands have passed under 
modern civilization, the condition which I mentioned no 
longer exists. For other reasons the native population is 
not increasing, but there is no longer that artificial restric- 
tion. Indeed, the native government of no long time ago 
encouraged the raising of large families. 

Mr. McGibboney: I have a friend who spent a number 
of years in Hawaii, who says they not only have no name 
for sexual virtue, but none of the principles of virtue. Is 
that true ? 

Dr. Coan: Technically that would be true. That is to say, 
the Polynesian idea of virtue is different from ours. Some 
one has said that virtue in Polynesia was regarded as an 
elegant accomplishment, but not as a necessity. 

Mr. McGibboney: Did that circumstance cause the 
decrease in population since the arrival of the whites ? 

Dr. Coan: I would not say that was the cause; it was 
due, as Darwin has pointed out, to infertility resulting from 
changed conditions of living. But the point that Mr. Darwin 
inquired about was regarding the prevalence of infanticide, 
and whether male or female children were more frequently 
sacrificed. 

Mr. Croxton: I would like to ask if the present decrease, 
or lack of increase of population, is not partly chargeable to 
their having put on clothing ? 

Dr. Coan: Undoubtedly; that was one of their changed 
conditions of living. The mischief came about in two ways. 
The docile natives were delighted with the idea of wear- 
ing clothes, and nothing gave them more pleasure than the 
bright-colored calico prints; these would not wash, so they 
would throw them off when the rain came down, and run into 
the church half-naked, or more than half, and nobody thought 



Thk Natives of Hawaii 17 

anything of it. But they wore their clothes quite irregu- 
larly; their skins became tender, and, they were constantly 
catching cold. In my father's great church there was often 
such a tempest of coughing and sneezing that ycu could 
hardly hear his strong voice. Another vice of the clcthes- 
wearing habit was that the natives would not take off their 
garments when they got wet, and illness resulted from 
that cause. Epidemics of small-pox, measles, influenza, 
decimated the people. Pax vobiscum, said the priest to the 
native; pox vobiscum, said the sailor and trader. Yet these 
diseases were not the essentially destructive agencies ; they 
are not now more prevalent there than elsewhere, and the 
climate is exceptionally healthy. The passing away of the 
Hawaiians and of the other Polynesians was inevitable from 
the moment that the first European visitor stepped under the 
coconut groves. The island character, with its faults, its 
follies, and its charms, is disappearing under the total regime 
of the white man. Not until the world shall learn how to 
limit the quantity and how to improve the quality of races 
will future ages see any renewal of such idyllic life and 
charm as that of the ancient Polynesian. 



THE RACES OF THE PHILIPPINES: 
THE TAGALS. BY REV. CHARLES C. 
PIERCE, D.D., CHAPLAIN U. S. ARMY 



(19) 



THE RACES OF THE PHILIPPINES— THE 
TAGALS. 

By Rev. Charles C. Pierce, D. D., 

Chaplain U. S. Army. 

The program for this session is unusually accurate in com- 
parison with customary announcements, in that it refers to 
" The Races of the Philippines " rather than to "The Fili- 
pinos." The word " Filipino " is a misnomer unless it is 
used in the sense prevalent in Manila. Strictly speaking, a 
Filipino is one born in the Philippine Islands, regardless of 
parentage. The word is not definitive of race or nationality. 
In accurate use it merely marks the place of birth. 

In the same way it is inaccurate to refer to the " Filipino 
people,'" as has so often been done, with a display of vocal 
pyrotechnics, in the campaign against the American occu- 
pancy of the islands. When we speak of a "people," there 
is involved in the term some idea of political cohesion or 
national fusion. Such a condition may be developed during 
future decades if the paternal government shall foster the 
idea, but at the present time there is such a heterogeneous 
array of tribes, about eighty in all, that a " Filipino people ' ' 
cannot be said to exist. 

" The Races of the Philippines " is, then, a much more 
fitting denomination of the inhabitants of our far-off posses- 
sions, and in the debates upon the wisdom of annexation 
with which our people will amuse themselves for months to 
come, it were well to have this distinction between a people 
and an aggregation of races kept constantly in mind. For, 
given " a people," we are well on the road toward a discus- 
sion of the question of self-government; but, as in the 
present case, where the premise is unable to state the exist- 
ence of "a people," the argument for popular sovereignty 
cannot logically proceed. 

(21) 



22 Annai,s op the American Academy 

There is a Tagal people, and it is of the Tagals that I am 
asked to speak, as one of the races of the Philippines; a 
people among whom I have lived for two and a half years. 

I do not remember having heard of any discussion of the 
desirability of granting independence to the Tagal people. 
So far as I have noted the alleged argument, it has been 
practically one in behalf of the propriety of giving the 
Tagals the right to govern all the tribes in the archipelago. 

In every discussion, the diversity of tribes and dialects 
must be borne in mind, as well as intertribal prejudices and 
animosities. 

So wide is the gap between the Tagals and the Macabebes, 
for instance, as to make the hatred hereditary, and our 
government, in using the latter as scouts, has but adopted a 
rule of warfare which racial antipathies have made advan- 
tageous and by which Spain had formerly profited. 

One of our house-boys at the headquarters house of the 
Fourteenth Infantry, who belonged to another tribe, 
accounted it a gross insult to be mistaken for a Tagal. 
Between the Visayans and the Tagals no love is lost. 

The Igorrotes, those mountaineer neighbors of the Tagals 
in Luzon, were so little influenced by the glimmer of Aguin- 
aldo's dictatorship that they steadily refused to make com- 
mon cause with him. When found, with their bows and 
arrows, facing American troops at the beginning of hostili- 
ties, they declared that this alleged Washington (?) had 
deceived them; having invited them down to a feast, only 
that they might encounter American bullets and so commit 
and entangle themselves as to be drawn into battle. The ruse 
failed and the breach between Tagal and Igorrote widened. 

The Tagal is not even the original possessor of the land. 
He is a Malay or of Malay descent; an alien. This con- 
sideration is also important, as it deprives him of the right 
to the sympathy sought in his behalf by those who have 
never seen him, on the ground that our government of the 
archipelago robs him of his political birthright. 



The Races of The Philippines 23 

The Tagal tribe is not aboriginal. The first known inhab- 
itants were the Aetas or Negritos; a race of small stature, 
but otherwise much resembling the African negro. And the 
present tribes are the result of Malay incursions and prob- 
ably amalgamation between the native and the immigrant. 

If sympathy is to be shown on the ground of original claim 
to territory, it should be given to the Negritos, who still may 
be found, with their nomadic habits, or serving as menials 
in Tagal families. 

The fact that the Tagals were intruders, or the product of 
such intrusion, may deprive them of the right to some 
measure of sympathy heretofore accorded them in certain 
quarters, and yet their appearance on Philippine soil was 
doubtless one of the first steps leading to ultimate civiliza- 
tion; the Spanish conquest was another; and now the 
American occupation, with its breadth of ideas, its advance 
in ethics, and its adaptation to the wants of an aspiring 
population, is destined, we believe, to complete the evolution 
of civilization, and to weld a people, to prepare them for 
suffrage and to lead them on to the highest of civic attain- 
ments — the ability to govern themselves. 

The Tagals are not alone in the possession of the single 
island of Luzon. There are the Pangasinanes, numbering 
300,000; the Pampangoes, with quite or nearly equal num- 
bers, the census of 1876 quoting their population as 294,000; 
and others. The Tagal population, mainly in Luzon, though 
found in some other islands also, numbers 1,500,000. The 
Visayan population in 1877, exclusive of the less domesti- 
cated tribes in the Visayan group, was 2,000,000. So that 
the right of the Tagal to dominate the politics of the archi- 
pelago must be further modified by the consideration that 
his race, with all its degrees of mixture, constitutes only 
one-sixth of the population. 

The discussion of native traits is made difficult by the fact 
that it is hard to find the original Tagal, unmixed in blood 
or influenced by racial environment. 



24 Annals of the American Academy 

The advent of the foreigner has added a new factor to the 
racial problem, and the Mestizos, or people of mixed blood, 
are found in considerable numbers. It is a curious ethno- 
logical study, this mixture of Malay and Mongol, and the 
racial amalgamation which combines European and Asiatic 
characteristics in the same personality. 

The Mestizo-Espanol, or the mixture of Spanish and 
native blood, numbering not less than 75,000, and probably 
very many more, presents the type of native aristocracy — 
the people who measure their superiority by the lightness 
of their complexion, and who habitually refer to the pure- 
blooded natives in disdain or commiseration as ' ' Indios ' ' or 
Indians. 

Foreman, in a few words characterizes them: "We find 
them on the one hand striving in vain to disown their affinity 
to the inferior races, and on the other hand jealous of their 
true-born European acquaintances. A morosity of disposi- 
tion is the natural outcome. Their character generally is 
evasive and vacillating. They are captious, fond of litiga- 
tion, and constantly seeking subterfuges. They appear 
always dissatisfied with their lot in life and inclined to foster 
grievances against whoever may be in office over them." 

The Mestizo-Chino, or the mixture of Chinese and native, 
who represents a population of half a million in the archi- 
pelago and fully one-sixth of the population of the city of 
Manila, may be referred to as the commercial type, although 
many of the Spanish Mestizos have likewise achieved suc- 
cess in business. 

The Mestizo- Japones, or Japanese mixture, while repre- 
sented in much smaller numbers than either of the other 
classes, presents a famous type of quaint Oriental beauty. 

But it seems to be the ethnologic law that miscegenation 
involves an eclecticism in vices, and it is not strange to read 
from the pen of a Spanish writer that these mixtures have 
not yet accomplished much for the moral welfare of the 
people. He says: "We have now a querulous, discon- 



The Races of the Philippines 25 

tented population of half castes, who, sooner or later, will 
bring about a distracted state of society and occupy the 
whole force of the government to stamp out the discord." 

Aside from the Mestizo element, it is hard to find the 
original characteristics of the Tagals. For instance, they 
are referred to as being an innately religious people, but the 
Roman Church has been among them for four hundred 
years, and it is not easy to say how much of this religious 
habit has been acquired. Certainly the form of its mani- 
festation is markedly so. The law under which the Tagal 
has lived has for centuries been either Spanish or that of 
the Roman Church, and the most gradual change must, in 
the lapse of these centuries, under this environment, have 
produced mighty modifications of native character. 

American opponents of annexation have in a few foolish 
cases painted the Tagal as measuring up with Washington, 
Jefferson, Franklin, Penn or Lincoln, those phenomenal 
products of the highest civilization on earth. These men 
have seen a vision in some "iridescent dream." L,ife in 
the Philippines will dispel it. 

On the other hand, some who have suffered severely will 
proclaim everything bad in native character; that they would 
not believe a Filipino upon oath, nor trust him in a trifle. 

No race is as bad as its worst member nor as good as its 
best. The true type of Tagal, as we find him, is a com- 
posite of the good and the bad traits of character, either 
inherent or imitated. 

Looking at the subject more in detail, let us consider the 
Tagal: 

1. Socially. — Entering a native dwelling, the stranger is 
always impressed with the hospitable spirit of its inmates. 
He is made to feel that his presence is an honor. And so 
universal is this trait of native character, that one always 
meets it, whether in the more pretentious case of the wealthy 
Mestizo or the little nipa shelter of the poor. All that the 
family can afford is ever at the disposition of the guest. 



26 Annals of the American Academy 

Cigars or cigarettes are in every house, and with a few 
exceptions, are used by every native, regardless of sex or 
age, and an abundant supply will at once be forthcoming. 
Chips of the betel nut, wrapped in buyo leaf and smeared 
with lime (the native substitute for tobacco chewing), will 
ordinarily be presented unless it is known to be distasteful 
to the visitor. "Dulce," a generous name which covers 
every variety of sweets, preserves or confections, will also 
be provided beyond the capacity of the guest. Then some 
form of drink, — cervesa or beer, certain of the wines of 
Spain or Portugal, or anisada, that vile product of Philippine 
fermentation, will be placed before him. 

It will be a profitable reflection for those who are engaged 
in a laudable effort to prevent the bestialization of native 
races by foreign alcoholic importations, to consider that the 
gratification of Bacchanalian proclivities is very rarely 
dependent upon the question of importation. Most races 
have discovered for themselves some method of producing 
alcoholic stimulation. The Japanese make merry with their 
saki ; the Russians, with their vodka ; the Mexicans, with 
mescal and tiswin ; the Cheyennes, with a red berry which 
they guard most jealously ; the Apaches, with their 
too-dhlee-pah-ee ; the Igorrotes, with fermented cane-juice ; 
the Pampangoes, with a fermentation of the nipa palm ; and 
the Tagals, with this vicious fire-juice that bodes as great ill 
to the American as foreign liquors do to the Tagals. But 
regardless of the value of the offering, the spirit of 
generous hospitality is there and it is universal. 

The visitor is always impressed with the beautiful, glossy 
black hair of the natives, which, in the case of the women, 
is commonly very long, as well as with the regularity of 
their pearly teeth, the latter, alas, ruined in symmetry and 
soundness in the case of the inveterate betel-chewer, and 
taking on, successively, a stain from red to black. 

Great care is given to the hair, which is frequently washed 
with a native weed well worthy of American importation, 



The Races of the Philippines 27 

and afterwards glossed copiously with cocoanut oil. The 
latter imparts a rather disagreeably rancid odor to the hair, 
but is undoubtedly of value, as the natives claim, in check- 
ing the ravages of an insect which has a short English name, 
but among the natives, is as formidable as the technical 
name of Pediculus Capitis would suggest. The sight is so 
common as to lose all novelty, as natives everywhere recipro- 
cate in attention to each other's hair, and without any sense 
of shame, in the communistic effort to suppress the ravages 
of this pest. The picture is so close a reproduction of the 
action of the monkeys, which likewise abound, as to suggest 
a Simian ancestry or tutorship for man. I have known 
Tagal women to manifest profound surprise when told that 
our American ladies are not all similarly beset, and to 
laugh most heartily at an intimation that they would be 
likely to go into mortified seclusion if one poor pest should 
trouble them. 

The beautifully erect carriage of the women, which 
attracts the attention of the traveler, is largely a contribution 
to their physical welfare by the character of their labor ; the 
custom of carrying water jugs and other burdens upon the 
head, necessitating the stiffening of the spine and a throwing 
back of the shoulders, as well as a proper elevation of the 
head. 

The Tagal woman goes to the opposite extreme from her 
Chinese sisters, and gives to her naturally small feet full 
play and development by wearing sandals that do not bind 
at any point. And, unlike the women of the Occident, she 
does not bind herself at the waist, nor is she physically 
injured by the fickle goddess of the fashion-plate, which 
requires her to change her shape every four or five years to 
fit the dresses which are built for her. Always erect and 
unfettered, nature builds her form, and her loose, flowing 
costume, while there may be variety in texture and adorn- 
ment, is of unvaried shape and will leave her at the end to 
go back into the hands of her Maker undeformed. 



28 Annals of the American Academy 

I doubt if ever more quaintly beautiful costumes or a more 
attractive scene have been witnessed than at the Mestizo 
reception given by the first American commission at their 
home in Malate ; the scintillation of countless diamonds 
adding to the tropical splendor. 

These natives are great bathers, and while it would con- 
duce to more universal cleanliness if soap were always used, 
they stand, as a race, as close to godliness as water alone can 
place them. They seem almost to be amphibious. The washer- 
women stand waist deep in water all day long. The fisher, 
men walk about in the water, sometimes neck deep, as they 
ply their trade. The fish must have taught the people to 
swim, so naturally do they glide through the stream. Even 
the boys and the girls are often expert divers, and consider it 
an easy way to earn money, to dive for coins that are thrown 
in the water. I have seen the men descending a ladder from 
their boats to the bottom of a stream, with buckets for 
dredging, and emerging only when these were filled with 
mud. It has been reported of them that they have dived 
under ships to ascertain whether the keels have been dam- 
aged, and that in case of trouble they have gone under the 
water to repair defective sheets of copper, driving in two or 
three nails each time before emerging for a breath of air. 

The imitativeness of the people is both a tribute to their 
quickwittedness and also an acknowledgment of the supe- 
riority of the races whom the}' copy. The lavish use of face- 
powder, which, on occasion, turns perspiration into paste, 
has often seemed to me a pitiful appeal from the women for 
deliverance from racial inferiority. 

No sooner had American troops appeared, than the Tagal 
soldiers, by watching them, had learned our drill tactics and 
were applying them in the instruction of their recruits. The 
children, everywhere in the streets, were doing the same 
and many of them were soon able to faultlessly execute our 
manual of arms. 

This imitative ability, which is a very marked character- 



The Races of the Philippines 29 

istic of the people, is an evidence of a lack of originality 
and suggests a present inability for the duties of self-govern- 
ment, and at the same time it is a most hopeful factor for 
the United States in the effort to exemplify the form of liberal 
government and to tutor the people until they shall be able 
to practice it. 

The gambling propensity of the people is not indicative of 
a desire to take life very seriously. They are exceedingly 
fond of games of chance. Lotteries and raffles are popular. 
I have seen their so-called billiard halls crowded with men 
day after day, while the women toiled at home to make 
good the monetary deficiency. Racing is everywhere preva- 
lent, not only on the race-courses but also on the streets. 
The ordinary native coachman cannot resist the temptation 
to have a race on the streets, even though his conveyance be 
a public one. But it is in cock-fighting that the native finds 
his most engrossing amusement, and the ' ' galleras ' ' or cock- 
ing-mains are always scenes of intense excitement and spirited 
betting. It is the commonest of sights to see the native 
carrying his favorite rooster with him when he goes to his 
place of work or for a visit. My own cochero, having invested 
in a game-cock of apparently good points, deemed me incom- 
prehensibly fastidious because I objected to riding through 
the streets of Manila to the palace of the governor-general 
with the bird perched on the dash-board in front of him. He 
afterward told me that his rooster had killed several combat- 
ants and had won $300. 

The old Spanish law permitted marriage between girls of 
twelve years and boys of fifteen. I know of one case where 
one of these young husbands became disgusted because his 
wife persisted in taking her doll to bed with her, and he 
broke the habit and the doll at the same time. The court- 
ship as a rule takes place in the presence of a chaperon. 
There is an utiwritten law that a young man and woman 
must not ride in the same vehicle unattended, but the natives 
were quick to commend the liberal spirit prevailing among 



30 Annai& of the American Academy 

Americans in these matters, as soon as their astonishment 
had passed away. 

Civil marriage, though once decreed, was by some influ- 
ence rendered inoperative, and the ceremony always took 
place when, where, and as the priest willed. Each of the 
parties gave to the other a ring, and coin was also used 
symbolically in the ceremony to indicate the bride's endow- 
ment by her husband. 

It is somewhat puzzling to the American who may have 
legal dealings with the natives, that the married women 
customarily sign their maiden names. Should the husband 
die, the woman frequently adds to her own maiden name the 

words, ' ' widow of . ' ' A man adds his mother's maiden 

name to that of his father, after his own Christian name. 
Thus the recently captured dictator wrote on the visiting card 
which he gave me the name " Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy." 

Family ties are very dear to these people and their home 
life is of such sweet simplicity as to captivate the stranger. 
At the sounding of the vesper bell and the lighting of the 
tapers, the children all come to kiss the parents' hands and 
say good evening. Even as you ride along the streets, if it 
becomes dark enough to light the side lamps of your 
vehicle, so soon as they are lighted, even though he has 
been conversing with you a moment before, your coachman 
will lift his hat to you and say " good evening, sir." 

Just as I was leaving Manila it began to be noised abroad 
that the Americans, wearied with the vacillation and treach- 
ery of many of the surrendered insurrectos, and determined 
to end the inordinately long rebellion, were about to adopt 
the deportation policy and send the offenders to Guam. So 
great was the native consternation at the mere rumor, that 
it was very easy to foresee what has since become evident, 
that this threatened rupture of family ties would be most 
effective in promoting peace. 

2. Industrially. — Industrially considered, the Tagal often 
proves a vexing person. That the land is not all cultivated, 



The Races of the Philippines 31 

the existing industries fully developed and new ones started, 
and that the natives are not rushing with American energy 
to get at their tasks, are all facts, but there are ameliorating 
considerations which must lighten the severity of their con- 
demnation for indolence and shiftlessness. 

Their Malay ancestry would not naturally be prophetic of 
great physical vigor, and the climatic consequences of long- 
continued life in the tropics inevitably appear in a disposi- 
tion to take things easy. There is always a tropical 
tendency to make haste slowly, and to adopt the " manana 
spirit ' ' of putting off till to-morrow everything which inter- 
feres with present comfort. It is very easy, and equally 
wise, to fall into the siesta-habit and doze away in some 
protected spot the hours from noon till 2 p. m. When we 
first entered Manila and until the American energy forced a 
change, the stores were all closed during these hours and it 
seemed as if the world had gone to sleep. 

There must also be added to a consideration of the depres- 
sion and enervation of climate the fact that there was no 
incentive to industry under the old regime. So heavy was 
the tax upon improvements that the native did not care to 
make them. The land was made to enrich adventurers who 
were clothed with brief authority. The history of the 
tobacco monopoly from 1781 to 1882, more than a century, 
had we the time to relate it, would show a despicable 
brutality on the part of Spain and at the same time suggest 
a reason for the native failure hitherto to make much of the 
natural resources of the country. 

The people have my sympathy in their lack of industrial 
development, and I am sure that the next decade will wit- 
ness a marvelous advance because they are permitted to 
profit from their own labor. The substitution of paternalism 
for piracy on the part of the government will open the way 
for the development of industrious habits. 

And yet there has been industry already, commensurate 
with the promised gain. Various fabrics are manufactured, 



32 Annals of the American Academy 

as well as hats of fine texture and quality. The culture of 
tobacco and the manufacture of cigars and cigarettes has 
already reached large proportions. The laborious culture of 
rice, when it is considered that every little blade in the 
paddy fields must be transplanted by hand, speaks volumes 
for the native patience. The fisher- folk, with their immense 
contributions to the popular diet, are worthy members of 
their craft. There are mechanics, too, — wheelwrights, black- 
smiths, turners, carvers, carpenters, painters, stonemasons, 
machinists, engineers, shoemakers and others — bread win- 
ners, and demanding recognition by the student of industrial 
capacity and development among this people. And, as else- 
where, woman has her function in the industrial salvation of 
her race, and, whether we find her as a fisherwoman, or 
vending the products of sea and land; taking her place in the 
padd)' fields or assisting in the culture of tobacco and its 
preparation for sale and use; as seamstress, or bending from 
early morning till late at night over the low frames in which 
her exquisite embroidery and drawn work are done; she is 
doing what she can and will do more when it becomes worth 
while. 

3. Politically. — Viewing the Tagal politically we fail to see 
on what basis men can predicate his capacity for self-govern- 
ment. The idea of independence was unknown in the earlier 
insurrection, when Aguinaldo sold himself to Spain in the 
treaty of Biaknabato. That insurrection was caused simply 
by an overmastering desire to accomplish certain reforms, 
such as the ejection of the friars and the secularization of 
education, and yet there was no proposition to lower the 
Spanish flag. 

If the Tagal is capable of self-government, the knowledge 
must be intuitive, for he has had no tutorage, having been 
kept always in most subordinate places. He has had no 
example. There has been before him no type of enduring 
government. He has seen only a government that was fall- 
ing by the weight of its own clumsiness, and losing its grip 



The Races of the Philippines 33 

on every colonial possession in the on-coming palsy of its 
own corruption. As a result of it, the native has never 
gotten beyond the idea of quid pro quo in government. He 
expected always to pay the American officials for every act 
of justice or consideration, as he had paid the Spaniards, and 
in so far as the insurrectionary Tagal has had control in 
IyUzon, the policy has been one of loot and taxation and 
oppression worthy of the days of Spain. He lives in the 
typhoon area, and even aside from the hopelessness of his 
governing the other tribes, his moral atmosphere is such as 
to produce revolutions within his own territory, — as may be 
inferred from Aguinaldo's changes, from general to dictator, 
from dictator to president, assassinating Luna to cut short 
his rivalry, and again becoming dictator before his capture. 
It is never wise to build theories and try them on men, but 
rather to measure the man and make theories that will fit 
him. 

4. Religiously . — Formerly the natives were pagans, but 
nearly all are, at least nominally, members of the Roman 
Church. 

There is everywhere manifested a fatalistic spirit, and the 
native, when told that his friend must die, will shrug his 
shoulders and say " Dios quiere," "God wills," and that 
ends the discussion. 

Many superstitions cling to the people. The more igno- 
rant native trusts implicitly in some form of ' ' n'ting n'ting," 
or mysterious hieroglyphic which, if worn constantly on his 
person, will ward off disease and death. The Roman custom 
of wearing scapulars seems in some way connected in their 
minds with this primitive belief, and the women particu- 
larly, will often deck themselves with a half dozen scapulars, 
with an evident reliance on numbers. 

There must have been a popular belief that Aguinaldo 
possessed some choice bit of "n'ting n'ting," for I have 
been told by Tagals, with utmost solemnity, that he was 
absolutely impervious to bullets; that they would be deflected 



34 Annai^s of the American Academy 

by his anatomy as readily as by a stone wall. His head- 
quarters have always been so far to the rear as to render 
tests impossible. 

Great reliance is placed on images and relics. One of my 
first offices was to secure for a native nun the hand of San 
Vicente, which had been placed in the custody of the provost 
marshal general for safe keeping. It has since been within 
reach of the people, who attribute to it miraculous ministry 
in behalf of the sick. Pilgrimages, too, frequently take 
place, the Tagals visiting mainly, although there are others, 
the Virgin of Antipolo, in search of certain physical and 
spiritual relief. 

It is not surprising that at least a nominal Christianity 
is prevalent. Ramon Reyes Lala, a native and a Roman 
Catholic, writes that he has ' ' often seen delinquent parish- 
ioners flogged for non-attendance at mass." And the 
supreme court edict in 1696 imposed a penalty of twenty 
lashes and two months' labor upon the Chinese- Mestizos and 
others who failed " to go to church and act according to the 
established customs of the village." The female delinquent 
endured a month's public penance. 

Many of the Tagals share the belief of the Tinguianes 
that the soul absents itself from the body during sleep, and 
that sudden awakening must be avoided, through the fear 
that the soul might fail to get back in time and so be com- 
pelled to wander alone. 

Like all partially civilized people, these are fond of display, 
adornment, and ceremonial, and the Roman Church has been 
thoughtful in this respect in providing a patron saint for 
every puebla and in arranging frequent fiestas. 

5. Morally. — Morally, the Tagal has puzzled many stu- 
dents by his peculiar freaks. Foreman quotes from the 
testimony of a priest who had spent many years in Batangas 
province. He says: " A native will serve a master satisfac- 
torily for years and then suddenly abscond, or commit some 
such hideous crime as conniving with a brigand band to 
murder the famity and pillage the house." 



The Races of the Philippines 35 

Duplicity, falsehood and theft abound. That the native 
conscience has not been better educated along these lines, is 
probably due to the fact that the Spanish colonial govern" 
ment, as they saw it, was constantly exemplifying the same 
vices. 

The Oriental characteristic of extortion is nowhere better 
illustrated than among the Tagals, who understand the 
"pound of flesh" theory, that they are to be paid exactly 
as nominated in the bond, and who are content with such 
payment, but when the indulgent employer offers even a 
trifle beyond, will clamor loudly for a great deal more. For 
any sort of service or commodity it is still the custom to 
make a racial distinction in prices. A native coachman once 
told me with smiling suavity that he should charge me one 
dollar for my short ride; that he would have charged a 
Spaniard fifty cents, and a native forty cents — every man 
according to his means; that Americans had plenty of money 
and could pay more. Under the Spanish law he was entitled 
to exactly twenty cents. 

The modesty of the women is marked, and yet there is no 
false modesty. Their attitudes are always decorous. Guests 
must never see them without the customary panuela or neck- 
erchief. And yet they talk innocently of many subjects that 
would shock the propriety of parlor gatherings in America. 

The pride of the women in child-bearing is notable, and 
a discussion of the matter among acquaintances is not at all 
inappropriate. 

Marital fidelity, at least on the part of the women, is the 
rule. Prostitution is not unknown, and instead of the civ- 
ilized system of divorce, they have a substitute, in the system 
of marriage by contract, under which the parties remain 
together, month by month, just so long as each is satisfied 
and the bills are paid. People living in this state are not 
looked upon with the same degree of disfavor as the ordinary 
prostitutes. 

Cruelty to animals is an unfortunate blot upon native 



36 Annals of the American Academy 

character. The Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to 
Animals has fallen heir to a magnificent mission beyond the 
Pacific. 

6. Educationally. — Reference has frequently been made in 
America to the slight percentage of illiteracy among the 
Tagals, and while it is true that large numbers of the people 
can read and write, it is also true that the whole educational 
system under Spanish auspices was very much of a sham. 
Very little of the ordinary common school curriculum in 
America found its way into a Tagal school. With a total 
outlay of $238,650 in 1888, for educational work in the whole 
archipelago, and the payment of about fifteen dollars Mexi- 
can, for a teacher's monthly stipend, it would seem that the 
real work of education had scarcely been attempted. The 
teaching of doctrine was the main result of the system, 
although there are three or four schools of excellent grade 
under the control of the church. 

The deficiency in the line of popular education is not due 
to any defect in the Tagal mind. Brilliant men were for- 
merly in danger of death or deportation. 

The desire of the Tagal children for a knowledge of Eng- 
lish is one of the most encouraging signs, together with the 
hope of the parents that they may be tutored to the very 
limit of their ability; a hope whose fulfilment is being pro- 
vided for by the very liberal appropriations of the Taft Com- 
mission and the able planning of the superintendent, Dr. F. 
W. Atkinson. 

The Tagals want the American public school, and it is 
destined to prove a mighty factor in their evolution and our 
peace. 

7. Artistically. — The native wood-carving in the Jesuit 
Church in Manila and elsewhere, gives evidence of much 
ability. 

I have often looked at Luna's celebrated painting, " The 
Blood Compact, ' ' which became the property of the Spanish 
government, and could not wonder that his people regarded 



The; Races of the; Philippines 37 

him as a master. Another masterpiece from this Tagal 
hand was purchased by the city of Barcelona, after having 
been awarded the second prize at the exhibition in Madrid. 

I have always held that no one can be regarded as hope- 
less who loves music. If this be true, there is everything 
to hope from the Tagal people, for their love of music is 
universal and their musical genius extraordinary. Herein 
is large opportunity for their imitative powers, and they 
make extensive use of it. A great many of them have 
learned to play by note, but a multitude of others make 
marvelous progress in simply playing what they hear. 
American and European ballads are heard in the majority 
of native homes. Occasionally one is found with some- 
thing of the genius of a composer, and if only the training 
could be added that would help the man to realize his con- 
ception, the world would begin to know it. Bands and 
orchestras everywhere abound. The bass drummer is the 
leader, and the ability to play by ear enables the musician 
to do as good work in the dark as in the light. 

One of my pleasantest remembrances of ante-insurrection- 
ary days is of a serenade from the Pasig Band of some seventy 
pieces, as they stood around the house in the dark and 
played for our pleasure one difficult selection after another, 
and as faultlessly as the most fastidious could desire. 

There is often a shortage in musical taste, as when an 
orchestra plays ' ' The Star Spangled Banner ' ' at the elevation 
of the host during mass, or when the band at a funeral strikes 
up "There '11 Be a Hot Time in the Old Town To-night." But 
it is all-important to have so universal a musical instinct. 
The matter of taste will receive attention and education from 
American enthusiasts later on. 

8. Pathologically. — The ravages of disease among the 
Tagals often result from lack of care, lack of knowledge and 
neglect of the simplest principles of sanitary science. 

Small-pox has always been a scourge during the hot sea- 
son, or at the close of winter, but there was formerly no 



38 Annals of the American Academy 

system of quarantine, and one might as easily meet a case 
in the street car as anywhere else. The American occupa- 
tion has resulted in greatly reducing the sick rate from this 
cause. 

I^eprosy has been of more frequent occurrence than was 
necessary. For, while certain leper hospitals were estab- 
lished, there was no very earnest effort at segregation. The 
Emperor of Japan sent a cargo of lepers to the islands at 
one time. The American authorities have been arranging 
for a leper settlement on one of the smaller islands and with 
careful handling of the subject will doubtless check the 
spread of the disorder. 

Death in child-birth is very common, and infantile dis- 
eases, during the first month, prove fatal in about 25 per 
cent of cases. 

Intestinal disorders are particularly to be dreaded because 
of their virulence and stubbornness. 

Anaemia and its results among women is a fruitful source 
of danger. In so many cases disordered menstruation fol- 
lows and its neglect saps the very foundation of health. 

Pulmonary disorders are of more frequent occurrence than 
is ordinarily supposed. 

Cutaneous diseases are exceedingly common, whether pro- 
duced by the prevalent fish diet, as is often claimed, or not. 
I have heard it stated many times that syphilitic disorders are 
very widespread. But I have seen so many of these alleged 
syphilitic sores healed by a free use of soap and water, or by 
some simple antiseptic preparation, as to convince me that 
in a majority of cases, they are caused by scratching mosquito 
bites or abrasions of the skin with an unclean finger-nail. 

Dobee itch — the name being derived from the Hindu word 
dhobi, signifying a washerman — is probably a common 
cause of the scratching habit among the natives, and has 
harassed many Americans of scrupulously cleanly ways. It 
is truly a washerman's itch, and is transmitted to the for- 
eigner by the hidden germs in his laundered clothing, clean 



The Races of the Philippines 39 

as it may appear when it returns from the wash. The 
washer-folk, despite all advice to the contrary, will persist 
in using cold and often dirty water for all laundry purposes, 
and will not subject the linen to the boiling process. The 
result to the wearer of the clothing is often a maddening 
irritation of the skin, which will spare neither low born nor 
those of high degree. 

Verily, laundry in the Philippines is a lottery, and one 
never knows whether the remnants of his underwear which 
are brought to him after they have been clubbed and pound- 
ed on the rocks by his native laundryman are bringing him 
a heritage of cutaneous irritation and muscular activity or 
not. 

When American methods prevail, as one day they will, 
in Luzon, the itch of the dobees, like the oppression of «the 
Dons, will be but a dream of long ago. 

Much remains to be done for the Tagal from a medical 
point of view, but he has already been blessed with wonder- 
ful sanitary improvement since Manila became an American 
city. 

Conclusion. — Without any attempt at exhaustive treat- 
ment, for a very great deal remains to be said, I have 
endeavored to give some hints that may be helpful in form- 
ing an estimate of Tagal life and character. 

And now a final word as to this newest baby in our polit- 
ical famiby. We didn't expect him, but we have him. We 
don't like his complexion or his features, but he may out- 
grow them. He hasn't been a good baby thus far, and 
we've lost a lot of sleep on account of him. He's been a 
costly mortal, but that is not unusual. And, after all, we 
begin to like him just a little, and look forward to the time 
when we may take paternal pride in his achievements. 



THE SEMI-CIVILIZED TRIBES OF THE 
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. BY REV. OLIVER C. 
MILLER, A.M., D.D., CHAPLAIN U. S. ARMY 



(4i; 



THE SEMI-CIVILIZED TRIBES OF THE PHILIP- 
PINE ISLANDS. 

By Rev. Oliver C. Miller, A. M., 

Chaplain U. S. Army. 

Having spent over a year with the advance guard of our 
army in the Philippines, I had an opportunity to see much 
of the natives. From my deep interest in them, I always 
esteem it a privilege to write anything that will tend to 
make their condition better understood, and advance them 
in that development for which I have found them eminently 
fitted. It must be remembered that one cannot see the 
best of a people after they have been actively engaged 
for over four years in trying to throw off the oppressive Span- 
ish yoke, and who were, at the time I was among them, for 
the lack of a right understanding of the kindly intentions of 
our government, in a state of rebellion against our own flag. 

To see the people of any country one must go beyond the 
seaport towns, far into the interior. This I had an oppor- 
tunity of doing; often being with the first American troops. 
that had been seen in the land, from Northern Luzon to the 
Sulu group. 

I want to state at the very beginning of this article, that 
I have become very fond of the races of the Philippines. 
And, after traveling both in China and Japan I can truth- 
fully say that I prefer them to any foreigners I have ever 
visited. What makes them so interesting is that one is 
relieved of that sameness which is so manifest in other 
foreign countries. Each tribe, and, indeed, each section of 
the same tribe, presents something new. 

Our brave General Lawton, whose chaplain it was my 
privilege to be, well understood and loved these people. No 
man could fight them so hard, and none could excel him in 
their protection and right treatment when once they were. 

(43) 



44 Annals of the American Academy 

subdued. He saw with prophetic eye the splendid suscepti- 
bilities of the people of the Philippines. And their love 
for him is still unceasing. The following incident tells of 
their devotion to him: A few months ago, while the writer 
was standing at his grave in our beautiful Arlington, a num- 
ber of visitors gathered around, and while speaking of our 
fallen hero there was no heart more moved with sorrow 
than that of a Filipino student who happened to be there. 

The races of the Philippines have their failings, but they 
have been dreadfully misrepresented. No one who has 
made a study of the human heart and acquired a God-like 
sympathy and compassion for the frailties of mortals, or who 
at all understands the Fatherhood of the race in God, or the 
brotherhood in His Son, can fail to see the uplifting, Divine 
mission of America in the Philippines. Our greatest danger 
is with ourselves, lest we fail in those excellencies of char- 
acter which qualify us to teach and lift up those who have not 
had the same opportunities. Our greatest need in these days 
of territorial expansion is charaderial expansion. The 
maintenance of our own integrity and uprightness of char- 
acter must qualify us to be teachers of others. The Spanish 
government has made mistakes enough along these lines to 
last for ages. 

While speaking of the semi-civilized tribes, we must not 
fail to mention the thousands of uncivilized people who look 
up to us for their first lessons. These are scattered over all 
the islands, and usually dwell upon the mountain tops. 
Chief among them are the Negritos, supposed to be the 
aborigines. They are very dark, with curly hair — a puny, 
stupid race of Negroid dwarfs, and capable of but little 
development; most likely destined to disappear before the 
advance of civilization. To this rule, however, the Igorrotes 
are likely to prove an exception, as they are a splendid race 
physically. In some localities they are already asking for 
English schools. These uncivilized tribes vary in different 
parts of the archipelago, and are usually of a low order; but 



Skmi- Civilized Tribes of the Philippines 45 

rarely ever hostile to strangers, though frequently at war 
among their own tribes. They are found in great numbers, 
and are compelled by the semi-civilized tribes to seek the 
mountain tops for places of abode. 

Since the Igorrotes form the link between the uncivilized 
and the semi-civilized tribes it may be well for us to give a 
brief description of them. They are scattered about the 
mountain tops of the northern half of L,uzon. They are of 
a copper color, wear their hair long, have high cheek-bones, 
broad shoulders and brawny and powerful limbs. The men 
have strong chests and well-developed muscles of great 
strength and power of endurance. The women have well- 
formed figures and rounded limbs. Both sexes wear their 
hair cut in a fringe over their foreheads, reaching down to 
the eyebrows and covering the ears, and left long enough 
in the back to be gathered up into a knot. Their dress 
varies from a mere apron to a handsome jacket of blue, crim- 
son or white stripes. While the word Igorrote has come to 
be synonymous with heathen highlander, it must not be 
forgotten that this tribe in many places manifests some degree 
of civilization. Tattooing is very common among them, 
and in central Benguit, where they worship the sun, one 
can hardly find a man or woman who has not a figure of 
the sun tattooed in blue on the back of the hand. They 
manufacture quite a number of crude-looking articles, such 
as short, double-edged swords, javelins and axes. 

They are great smokers, and drink a beer made of fer- 
mented cane-juice, but have not adopted the Malayan custom 
of chewing buyo. There is a settlement of Christian Igor- 
rotes on the coast of Ilocos Sur. This, however, is the one 
exception to their constant determination to resist any effort 
on the part of the Catholic Church to convert them to Chris- 
tianity. They express no desire to go to the same heaven 
as the Spaniard, since the officers and men composing the 
expedition sent against them in 1881 so abominably abused 
their women. 



46 Annai,s of the American Academy 

The richest man among them is usually made chief, and 
the wealthier families vie with one another in a display of 
wealth at their great feasts; the common people among 
them not being invited, but only allowed to assemble at beat 
of drum. Their houses are built upon posts above the 
ground, or supported by four trunks of trees, and thatched 
with canes or bamboo and roofed with elephant grass. 
They are much inferior to the houses of the domesticated 
natives, having no chimneys or windows; only a small door, 
the ladder to which is drawn up at night for protection 
against their enemies. Though superior in some respects to 
the Tagals, they are much inferior to them in regard to 
cleanliness. They neglect to wash their clothing or clean 
their houses. Each village has a town-hall, where the 
council assembles to attend to the litigation for the commu- 
nity, such as administering punishment to the guilty and 
hearing requests for divorces. At this place also the public 
festivals take place, and are very unique and interesting. 
Their language consists of several dialects, and some of their 
head men coming in contact with the Ilocanos have learned 
to speak and write their language for the purpose of trading. 
Some twenty years ago they conducted seven schools in 
Lepanto, which were attended by six hundred children, of 
whom one-sixth could read and write. Writers who know 
them best give them credit for great industry and skill in 
everything they undertake. They possess many manufac- 
tured articles, embracing uniforms, weapons of war, sword 
belts, medicine pouches, accoutrements for their horses, 
beautiful woven garments for the chief women, ornamented 
waterpots, great varieties of hats, and waterproof capes 
made of the leaves of the anajas. They abound in orna- 
ments, such as necklaces made of reeds, the vertebrae of 
snakes, colored seeds, coronets of rattan and of sweet- 
scented wood. The " chachang" is a plate of gold, used 
by their chiefs to cover their teeth at feasts or when they 
present themselves to distinguished visitors. They excel 



Semi-Civilized Tribes of the Philippines 47 

in the manufacture of household articles and musical instru- 
ments. 

The Tinguianes dwell in the district of Elabra, Luzon ; 
and were under the Spanish control. In their advance 
toward civilization they surpass the Igorrotes, and are 
entitled to be classed among the semi-civilized tribes. They 
prefer to make their own laws and usually abide by them. 
The head man of the village is the judge, and upon assum- 
ing his office he takes the following oath: "May the destruc- 
tive whirlwind kill me, may the lightning strike me, and 
may the alligator devour me when I am asleep if I fail to do 
my duty." As a race they are very intelligent and well 
formed, many of them being really handsome. They are 
supposed to have descended from the Japanese, shipwrecked 
upon the Philippine coasts; like the Japanese, they wear a 
tuft of hair on the crown of their heads, tattoo their bodies, 
and blacken their teeth. They are very fond of music, 
and are pagans without temples, it being their custom to hide 
their gods in the mountain caves. They believe in the 
efficacy of prayer to supply material needs, — are mono- 
gamists, and their children are generally forced to marry 
before the age of puberty. The bridegroom or his father 
must purchase the bride. They live in cabins on posts or 
in trees, sometimes sixty feet from the ground. When 
attacked they throw down stones upon their enemies, and 
by this method of protection they can dwell quite securely. 
Like all head hunters, they adorn their dwellings with the 
skulls of their victims, carry a lance as a common weapon, 
and are without bows and arrows. They appear to be as 
intelligent as the ordinary subdued natives; and are by no 
means savages, nor entirely strangers to domestic life. Thus 
far their conversion to Christianity has proven impossible. 

In the Morong District of Luzon there is a race of people 
who are supposed to be descendants of the Hindoos who 
deserted from the British army during their occupation of 
Manila, and migrated up the Pasig River. Their notable 



48 Annates of the American Academy 

features are black skin, aquiline nose, bright expression 
and regular features. They are Christians, law-abiding, and 
more industrious than the Philippine natives. They were the 
only class who paid their taxes, and yet, on the ground that 
generations ago they were intruders on the soil, they were 
more heavily laden with imposts than their neighbors. In 
addition to these a few Albinos are to be seen on the islands. 

The Pampangos are a most interesting tribe, dwelling 
mainly in the provinces of Pampauga and Tarlac. In 1876 
they numbered 294,000. Their language differs from that 
of the Tagal, and many of the better class speak both lan- 
guages. This tribe is much like the Tagal in character, 
and the difference comes largely from environment and 
occupation. The Pampango excels in agriculture, is a good 
organizer of labor, rides well, is a good hunter, and makes 
a bold and determined sailor. The Spanish used them to 
great advantage as soldiers in fighting against the Moros, 
British and Dutch. They have many fine houses, and are a 
good class of natives. The traveler will never fail to find 
them hospitable. Their principal industry is the cultivation 
of sugar, and from it they make considerable money, 
notwithstanding the great disadvantages experienced on 
account of the unfavorable conditions imposed upon them by 
the government of Spain. When peace is once restored, 
hardly any people in the archipelago will be found to excel 
them in thrift, with the favoring opportunities given under 
American occupation. They are classed among domesticated 
natives, are converts of the established church, and manifest 
a considerable degree of civilization. These people and the 
surrounding half-savage tribes are, perhaps, the largest 
dealers in the most important product, nipa palm, used so 
extensively in house-building as a thatching, both for sides 
and roof. The juice of the plant is also fermented and dis- 
tilled, and produces abundant alcohol in the strongest form. 

The Pampangos may well be accounted the best horsemen 
among the natives. Some of them hunt the deer on ponies, 



Semi-Civiuzed Tribes of the Philippines 49 

and chase at full speed up or down the mountains, no matter 
how rough, and often get near enough to throw or even use 
the lance in hand. Their saddles are of a miniature Mexi- 
can pattern, and their ponies, about twelve or thirteen hands 
high, are strong and enduring, as was shown by their carry- 
ing the heavily accoutred American cavalrymen, over what 
might be termed impassable roads, with almost as much 
ease as the large American horses. 

The women of this tribe deserve a word of special mention. 
So great is their faculty for business that the men rarefy 
venture upon a bargain without their help. They are fine 
seamstresses, very good at embroidery, and excel in weaving 
silk handkerchiefs with beautiful borders of blue, red and 
purple. They produce the celebrated Manila hat in its best 
form and texture, together with many other useful and 
beautiful articles of this kind. Their houses are kept clean, 
and are quite spacious ; the floors being made of close- 
grained hard wood, which makes them very desirable for 
dancing after having been polished. 

The Pangasinanes, dwelling in the province of Zambales, 
I,uzon, number about 300,000. They are not as hard 
working as the Ilocanos, and were subjugated by Spain and 
brought into the established church. They are a hardier 
race than the Tagals. Their chief occupation is the cultiva- 
tion of rice, which is the lowest class of agriculture and 
practiced by the poorest people. A little sugar is produced 
by them, but it is of poor quality. At one time they 
exported indigo and sapan wood. Their chief industry is 
the manufacture of hats, hundreds of thousands of which 
have been sent from Calasias to this country; they are made 
from " nito," or grass. The mountain streams are washed 
for gold by the women; but only a meagre supply is found. 
A writer who has studied them rather closely says: "Their 
civilization is only skin deep, and one of their decided 
characteristics is a propensity to abandon their villages and 
take to the mountains, out of reach of authority. " 



50 AnnaIvS of the American Academy 

During all the time I was with the advance guard of our ar- 
mies in Luzon, under Generals Mc Arthur, Young and Law- 
ton, I found no people I liked as well as the Ilocanos. The 
following incident will show how teachable and trustworthy 
they are : While with the Fourth Cavalry guarding the 
town of Carringlan, a mountain pass separated by many 
miles from any other command of our army, two hundred 
bolo men came in to recapture the town; but they were soon 
taken by our men, disarmed and quartered in the village 
church. By means of interpreters I began to talk with them, 
told them of our kind intentions, and encouraged them to 
hold religious services according to their form. This they 
did regularly and devoutly. Before two days had passed 
they were our allies. And when fifty per cent of our men 
were taken ill with the dengue fever they proved very val- 
uable and willing helpers. 

The Ilocanos are a hard-working race dwelling in north- 
western Luzon, extending over the province of Ilocos Norte, 
Ilocos Sur and La Union, and branching into the surround- 
ing country. They are classed among the domesticated 
natives, and have for three centuries been under the control 
of the Catholic Church, to which they are very devoted. 
They are less inclined to insurrection, and it can safely be 
said that they have given the authorities of our country the 
least trouble. They are very tractable, and will doubtless 
excel most of the tribes of the archipelago when brought 
under the just administration to be given by the American 
people. The Ilocanos also make nets for fish and for deer 
and pigs; baskets of all sorts, and salacots or hats. 

They grow two kinds of cotton for textiles — the white 
and the coyote. Another kind, a tree cotton, from the 
boboy, is only used for stuffing pillows. They extract oil 
from the seeds of all three kinds. Like the other natives, 
they live principally on rice and fish, which they capture in 
large quantities. They have fine cattle, which they sell to 
the Igorrotes. It will be noted that the Tinguianes, on the 



Semi-Civilized Tribes of the Philippines 51 

other hand, sell cattle to the Ilocanos. The ponies of Ilocos 
are highly valued in Manila, where there is a great demand 
for them. They are smaller than the ponies of other prov- 
inces, but are very hardy and spirited and travel at a great 
pace. Tulisanes formerly infested these provinces and found 
a read}' refuge in the mountains when pursued by the cua- 
drilleros, or village constables, who were only armed with 
bolos, lances and a few old muskets. But the creation of 
the civil guard, formed of picked officers and men, who were 
armed with Remingtons and revolvers, and whose orders 
were, ' ' Do not hesitate to shoot, ' ' made this business very 
dangerous, and the three provinces now suffer little from 
brigandage. 

Even in this hasty review the Cagayanes are worthy of 
mention. They inhabit the Babuyanes and Batana Islands, 
and the northern coast of Luzon from Point Lacaytacay to 
Punta Kscarpada and all the country between the Rio Grande 
and the summits of the Sierra Madre as far south as Balasig. 
They are spoken of as the finest race in the islands, and as 
having furnished the strongest resistance to the Spaniards. 
They were, however, early conquered and converted to 
Christianity. 

Of all the tribes the Macabebes are best known to the 
Americans, on account of their eagerness at the first oppor- 
tunity to fight under the Stars and Stripes. Their territory 
lies directly north of Manila Bay in the Province of Pam- 
panga. An old feud existing between them and the Tagals 
has to this day kept the tribes in bitter enmity. This has 
doubtless in a great measure influenced them in taking up 
arms with the Americans against the Tagals. They did 
excellent service as scouts in the advance made by General 
Lawton, under the leadership of Major Batson, proving 
themselves fearless and efficient. Many of them having 
been in the Spanish army were already drilled. They have 
proved themselves loyal and trustworthy, and now constitute 
a most efficient command known as the Philippine Cavalry. 



52 Annai<s of the American Academy 

They are somewhat difficult to control when once they have 
their enemy within their power, having a propensity to loot 
and to inflict cruelties not justifiable according to the rules 
of war. They are very enduring and, going barefoot, can 
excel the American in mountain climbing and fording rivers. 
Physically they are a well-formed race and present a fine 
appearance as soldiers. They are so dreaded by the insur- 
gent soldiers that the notification of their approach is apt to 
result in a panic on the part of their enemies. They are an 
agricultural people and have no marked distinguishing 
characteristics, being in many ways like neighboring 
tribes. The tribe could not furnish more than 2,500 able- 
bodied soldiers. The women are very loyal to our govern- 
ment and esteem it a privilege to give their sons and hus- 
bands to our army. The Macabebe priests also have shown 
loyalty to the Americans. We should not forgot what it 
means for this people to take a stand for us, surrounded as 
they are with those at enmity with us. 

We speak of the domesticated natives in contradistinction 
to the wild tribes of the mountains and the people springing 
from intermarriage with them. The origin of the former is 
uncertain. The generally accepted theory is that they first 
migrated from Madagascar to the Malay Peninsula. Some 
trace their origin as far as Patagonia; others say they de- 
scended from the aborigines of Chile and Peru. This idea is 
rendered plausible by the fact that people have been carried 
westward by east winds and currents, while there is no record 
of their having been carried in a contrary direction toward 
the archipelago. The most universally accepted theory is 
that they came from Milesia to these islands, and in course 
of time supplanted the aborigines in control of the coasts and 
lowlands. These people number about five millions. They 
proved a most tractable race in the hands of their 
oppressors. 

A proper estimate of these people cannot be formed by 
seeing them in the seaport towns, where they have been 



Semi- Civ iuzed Tribes of the Philippines 53 

changed by coming in contact with other nations. They can 
only be successfully studied by abiding with them in the 
interior. For instance, much of the native population of 
Manila has descended from prisoners released by the Span- 
iards on the promise that they would serve them without 
remuneration. The natives of the interior are a most inter- 
esting study for the ethnologist, ever varying in moods and 
localities. In judging of their character it is only just to 
remember that with any people violent oppression brings out 
lawless resistance. We cannot tell how far this trait has 
been developed by the Spaniard, or by the direct rays of 
the tropical sun, which frequently causes the native to excuse 
himself for infidelity or cruelty by saying, "My head was 
hot." Many who have dealt with the natives in the interior 
have found that confidence begets confidence, and that to 
confide in them and show them by kind and just dealings 
that they can trust you, is to develop trustworthiness in 
them. Surely the teaching of the Spanish was especially 
calculated to develop traits of suspicion and treachery, and 
even to make such impression pre-natal. 

Whether it be a peculiarity of the race, or the result of 
education, it is quite true of the Filipino that if you " give 
him an inch he will take an ell," but when treated with jus- 
tice, tempered with kindness, he becomes an apt pupil in 
learning the better way. In every transaction with the Fil- 
ipino one must constantly keep in mind the disadvantageous 
surroundings under which he has become as good as he is. 
He surely started with a considerable amount of integrity to 
have any left at all, after more than three centuries of cinch 
and grind from a nation whose object seems to have been to get 
all out of their colony and give back little or nothing. The 
native is not apt to return anything he has borrowed unless 
demanded. He regards a debt more as an inconvenience 
than as an obligation, and will often, when loaded down 
with debts, make a great show of riches to impress his neigh- 
bors. They are fairly honest, and as a general thing steal 



54 Annai^s of the American Academy 

only when pressed by need. Their courtesy approaches that 
of the Japanese. Often when paying a visit to a friend they 
spend as much as three minutes in complimentary dialogue 
before entering. It is considered a gross violation of the 
rules of etiquette to step over a person while asleep on the 
floor. They are much opposed to awaking any one from 
sleep, actuated by the idea that during sleep the soul is 
absent from the body, and if one be suddenly awakened it 
might not have time to return. For this reason a native, 
when told to awaken you at a certain hour, is loath to do it, 
and goes about it with much caution. Often when calling 
upon a person the servant tells you he is asleep, that is con- 
sidered sufficient reason either for you to wait or call later 
on. The foreigner soon finds that it is best for him, on 
account of climate, to fall into the habit of the native in 
enjoying a siesta from twelve to two o'clock daily. 

The clashing between Europeans and the natives is often 
caused by the difference in mental cast and impulse, and if 
one constantly makes allowance for this he will soon find 
that he can get along very well with them. One finds in 
the native a lack of sympathy. The Tagalog, however, is 
more sympathetic than the Visayan, who usually exhibits a 
frigid indifference to the misfortunes and sorrows of others, 
bearing his own with great composure. Mr. Foreman states 
that wherever he has been he has found the mothers teach- 
ing their children to regard the Europeans as demoniacal 
beings, or at least as dreaded enemies. If a child cries it is 
hushed by the exclamation " Castilia " (European). This 
dread for the approach of the European was intensified 
in the case of Americans by the accounts given the natives by 
the Spanish. The native in the interior, when approached 
by the American soldier, fell upon his knees and begged for 
mercy, expecting to be at once put to death, and could hardly 
be induced to arise. When ill, they could not be persuaded 
to take medicine from the hands of the American soldier 
until convinced that the surgeon did not mean to poison 



Semi- Civilized Tribes of the Philippines 55 

them, by his taking in their presence the same kind of med- 
icine he offered them. When our soldiers would approach a 
native mother with her children she would gather them 
around her, and the whole group fall down trembling and 
close their eyes that they might meet their death without 
seeing the supposed murderers. It will take time to clear 
away these misunderstandings, but when once they give 
way to the truth, and the native sees for himself and believes 
in the kindness and justice that exist for him in the American 
heart, it will be a great step toward a peaceful relationship 
between the two nations. 

I,ike most Orientals, the Filipino is more imitative than 
original, and readily changes from one occupation to another. 
His cruelty to animals is manifest in all his dealings with 
them, and he is generally unfeeling to a fallen foe. The 
mutilation of a vanquished enemy is a common occurrence. 
He is credulous and easily imposed upon, transmits a report 
with amazing rapidity, and often fails to keep a secret; not in- 
clined to joke, he is quite festive in his nature. If angered he 
does not show it, but calmly awaits his time for revenge. 
If convinced by his own conscience of his wrongdoing he 
will receive punishment without the least resentment, but if 
not convinced of his guilt he cherishes his wrath and awaits 
opportunity for resentment. They, as a general thing, do 
not regard lying as a sin, but rather as a legitimate and cun- 
ning device which should be resorted to whenever it will 
serve the purpose. This same trait is found among the 
Spanish in the Philippines. Whether the native receives it 
by instruction or inheritance is a question. The priests say 
that the natives carry their disregard for the truth even into 
the confessional. Both sexes are very fond of litigation. 

Of the more advanced races, the Tagalog has made 
greater progress in civilization than the Visayan of the 
south. This is due most likely to the fact that they have 
been brought more into contact with the European. They 
also exceed the Visayans in disinterested hospitality, and 



56 Annaxs of the American Academy 

are more cheerful and pliant where they have not been 
brought under the influence of the bitter spirit of rebellion. 
The tribes of Northern Luzon are perhaps the most tract- 
able. The natives of the southern islands are more resent- 
ful, conceited, unpolished, and manifest a sullen defiance, 
which is not found so much in their northern neighbors. 
They, however, are more self-reliant and manifest quite as 
much or more strength of character than the Tagalogs, and 
are not so emotional and easily influenced. When once you 
win their confidence they are likely to be more stable in their 
friendship. The Visayans exceed the Tagalogs in avarici- 
ousness and fondness for display, especially in the line of 
jewelry. The women, as a rule, are very reserved, especially 
in the south, but throughout the archipelago they maintain 
a high standard of morals. Infidelity on the part of the wife 
is rarely found. 

The Visayans are the people inhabiting the six islands 
lying between Luzon and Mindanao, known as the Panay, 
Negros, Cubu, Bohol, Leyte and Samar, and quite a number 
of smaller islands. They differ in many respects from their 
northern and southern neighbors, and have made less pro- 
gress in civilization than the Tagals. The cold hospitality 
of the Visayan, often tempered with avarice, forms a sharp 
contrast with his more open-hearted Tagal brother. The 
Visayan women care far less to become acquainted with a 
stranger, especially if he be a European. When such a one 
calls at their home they will saunter off and hide; however, 
if the caller be well known, they are quite genial. If met 
by chance they are not likely to return a salutation, and they 
seldom indulge in a smile before strangers, or have conver- 
sation with them. They have had no advantages in instruc- 
tion beyond that of music and the lives of the saints. They 
impress the traveler with an insipidity of character which 
does not at all correspond with the air of superiority and 
disdain they exhibit. 

It must, however, be observed that these characteristics 



Semi- Civilized Tribes op the Philippines 57 

apply to the Visayans in the interior more than to those in 
the coast towns, where they have been brought in contact 
with foreigners and are decidedly more genial. But it must 
be acknowledged that the Visayan is more tenacious of the 
customs of his forefathers and slower in taking up with new 
ideas and customs than the Tagalog. This is not altogether 
a racial peculiarity but a result of not being geographically 
situated so as to be brought in contact with the outside 
world, as are their northern neighbors. This conservative 
trait of Visayan character finds an illustration in the follow- 
ing narrative: A wealthy European merchant had married a 
beautiful Visayan wife and taken her to a home elegantly 
furnished according to European standards. But the 
Visayan beauty found such surroundings uncongenial, and 
it was with difficulty that she could be induced to put in an 
appearance when European visitors were to be entertained. 
She would often decline to sit with them at the table, prefer- 
ring to sit on the kitchen floor and eat, after the custom of 
her people. The Tagal women are very apt imitators of 
European customs, and often make ludicrous efforts in this 
direction. The same contrast is presented by the men of 
the two races. 

The importance of the Visayan people is destined to 
increase, not only on account of the great resources and fer- 
tility of the islands they inhabit, but on account of their emi- 
gration to Mindanao, where any amount of rich land awaits 
the coming of the husbandman. These people are sure to 
be a great factor in the development of resources and the 
improvement of opportunities to be found nowhere else in the 
world. Owing to the unprogressive spirit of the Spanish no 
census of these people has been taken since 1877, at which 
time they were found to number over two millions, the 
population of Panay being the largest. The Visayan 
Islands contain fewer heathen than any other part of the 
Philippines. The above estimate of the population of the 
Visayan Islands does not include the Negritos, Munaos 



58 AnNAI<S OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY 

and Carolanos, wild tribes whose numbers are increased 
by a number of fugitives from justice and others who are 
inclined to a savage life and given to the love of plunder. 
The Province of Iloilo is said to contain half a million people 
of the domesticated native type. The mountains of the 
Visayan Islands, not being as numerous or high, do not 
furnish the same refuge for the wild tribes as those of 
Northern Luzon, therefore these tribes are fewer in number. 

The most numerous and, after the Tagals, the most 
important race in the Philippines is that branch of the 
Visayan, formerly called Pintados or painted men, from the 
blue painting or tattooing which was prevalent at the time 
of the conquest. They form the mass of the inhabitants of 
the islands called Visayas, and of some others. 

Another branch of the Visayans, distinguished by a darker 
color and by a curliness of the hair, suggesting some Negrito 
mixture, occupies the Calamianes and Cuyos Islands and 
the northern coasts of Paragua or Palawan as far as Bahia 
Honda. 

In appearance the Visayans differ somewhat from the 
Tagals, having a greater resemblance to the Malays of 
Borneo and Malacca. The men wear their hair longer than 
the Tagals, and the women wear a patadion instead of a 
saya and tapis. The patadion is a piece of cloth a yard 
wide and over two yards long, the ends of which are sewed 
together. The wearer steps into it and wraps it around the 
figure from the waist downward, doubling it over in front 
into a wide fold and tucking it in securely at the waist. 
The saya is a skirt tied at the waist with a tape, and the 
tapis is a breadth of dark cloth, silk or satin, doubled round 
the waist over the saya. 

In disposition they are less sociable than the Tagals, and 
less clean in their person and clothing. They have a 
language of their own, and there are several dialects of it. 
The basis of their food is rice, with which they often mix 
maize. They flavor their food with red pepper to a greater 



Semi-Civiuzed Tribes op the Philippines 59 

extent than the Tagals. They are expert fishermen, and 
consume large quantities of fish. In smoking and chewing 
betel they resemble the other races of the islands. They 
are great gamblers, and take delight in cock-fighting. 
They are fond of hunting, and kill numbers of wild pig 
and deer. They cut the flesh of the latter into strips and 
diy it in the sun, after which it will keep a long time. It is 
useful to take as provision on a journey, but it requires 
good teeth to get through it. 

The Visayans build a number of canoes, paros, barotos, 
and vintas. They are very confident on the water, putting 
to sea in their ill-found and badly-equipped craft with great 
assurance, and do not come to grief as often as might be 
expected. Their houses are constructed similarly to those 
of the other inhabitants of the littoral. 

Early writers accuse the Visayan women of great sensu- 
ality and unbounded immorality, and give details of some 
very curious customs which are unsuitable for general pub- 
lication. However, the customs to which I refer have long 
become obsolete among the Visayans, although still existing 
among some of the wilder tribes in Borneo. The Visayan 
women are very prolific, many having borne a dozen children, 
but infant mortality is high, and they rear but a small portion 
of them. The men are less sober than the Tagals; they 
manufacture and consume large quantities of strong drink. 
They are not fond of the Tagals, and a Visayan regiment 
would not hesitate to fire upon them if ordered. In fact, 
the two tribes look upon each other as foreigners. When 
discovered by the Spaniards they were to a great extent 
civilized and organized in a feudal system. Tomas de Comyn 
formed a very favorable opinion of them. He writes: " Both 
men and women are well mannered and of a good disposition, 
of better condition and nobler behavior than those of the 
island of L,uzon and others adjacent." 

They had learned much from Arab and Bornean adven- 
turers, especially from the former, whose superior physique. 



6o Annaes of the American Academy 

learning and sanctity, as coming from the country of trie 
prophet, made them acceptable suitors for the hands of the 
daughters of the rajahs or petty kings. They brought 
with them the doctrines of Islam, which had begun to 
make some converts before the Spanish discovery. The old 
Visayan religion was not unlike that of the Tagals. They 
called their idols Dinatas instead of Anitos. Their marriage 
customs were not very different from those of the Tagals. 

The ancestors of the Visayans were converted to Christi- 
anity at or soon after the Spanish conquest. They have 
thus been Christians for over three centuries, and in constant 
war with the Mohammedan pirates of Mindanao and Sulu, 
and with the Sea Dayaks of Borneo. However, in some 
localities they still show a strong fondness for witchcraft, 
and practice secret heathen rites, notwithstanding the vigi- 
lance of the parish priests. 

The Moros now extend over the whole of Mindanao and 
the Sultanate of Sulu, which comprises the Sulu Island 
(thirty-four miles long from east to west and twelve miles 
in the broadest part from north to south) and about one 
hundred and forty others, more than half of which are in- 
habited. The population (according to Mr. Foreman) of 
the Sulu Sultanate alone is about 110,000, including free 
people, slaves, and some 20,000 men at arms under orders 
of the Dattos. The domains of the Sultan reach westward 
as far as Borneo. The Sultan of Sulu is also feudal lord of 
two vassal Sultanates in Mindanao Island. Only a small 
coast district of this island was really under Spanish empire, 
although Spain claimed suzerainty over all the territory 
subject to the Sultan of Sulu, by virtue of an old treaty, 
which was never entirely carried out. There is also a half- 
caste branch of Moros in the southern half of Palauan 
Island (Paragua) of a very peaceful nature, nominally under 
the rule of the Sultan of Sulu. The United States forces 
have not yet been sent to these islands. They were gratui- 
tously ceded to Spain by the Sultan about 1730 at the request 



Semi- Civilized Tribes of the Philippines 6i 

of the Spaniards. The only Spanish possession at the time 
of the evacuation was the colony of Puerta Princesa on the 
east coast, which is a good harbor and affords a fine outlet 
for the products of the fertile land surrounding it. 

The Moros also inhabit the Tawi Tawi Islands, the most 
southerly of the Sulu group, lying only five degrees north 
of the equator. The Spanish assaulted these islands in 
1 75 1 under a decree ordering them " to exterminate all the 
Mussulmans with fire and sword, to extinguish the foe, burn 
all that was combustible, destroy the crops, desolate their 
cultivated lands, make captives and recover Christian slaves. ' ' 
The captain and his men went ashore, but their retreat was 
cut off and they were all slain. The officer in command of 
the expedition was so discouraged that he resigned. The 
entire assault proved a great failure, and shows that the 
inhabitants of these islands possess the same warlike traits 
as the Moros of the other islands. The Moros were for 
centuries among the sea pirates of history, the most uncon- 
querable. They defied the Spanish sailing men-of-war with 
their light " prahus " and " vintas " by keeping in the 
shallow water, where they could not be approached, and 
awaiting opportunity to cluster around a solitary man-of- 
war and take her by boarding. It was the introduction of 
steam gunboats in i860 that broke the power of the Moro 
pirate fleets. Their towns, like the city of Brunei, are 
mostly built in the water, and have bamboo bridges, which 
can be removed, to connect them with the shore. Their 
"cottas," or forts, are built on rising ground near by and 
protected by reefs that make the approach by water diffi- 
cult. The stockades are made of trunks of trees; some 
of their walls being twenty- four feet thick and thirty feet 
high, are defended by brass and iron guns. An attempt to 
storm these cottas is met by the Moros, who mount the ram- 
parts and make a brave defence, firing grape from their 
cannon until the enemy comes near enough, when they hurl 
their spears upon them from a surprising distance and with 



62 Annaw of the American Academy 

accurate aim, manfully fighting till they drive off their 
assailants or die in the attempt. When once they have put 
their enemies to flight they fall upon them in a dreadful 
hand-to-hand conflict in which quarter is neither asked nor 
given. 

If the history of the Spanish-Moro wars were written it 
would be of great interest and would show many a Homeric 
combat. It must be said of the Spanish soldiers that they 
meet their dreadful foes with equal courage. Sometimes the 
priests with crucifix in hand would bravely lead their half- 
savage converts against their oppressors amid showers of 
spears and bullets. The head of a priest was considered a 
great prize by the Moro warriors. The soil of Mindanao has 
been literally drenched in the blood of Moro, Spanish and 
native in this long-drawn-out and awful conflict between the 
Cross and the Crescent. The malaria of the Moro land 
seems to fight for its inhabitants by exempting them from its 
attacks and setting furiously upon all others who invade the 
mangrove swamps and flooded jungle. In all justice it must 
be said that not superior valor, but the invention of modern 
weapons of warfare, checked the ravages of the Moro, and 
that the Spanish opened the way and made possible peaceful 
American occupation. It is strange but true that to-day a 
man may carry the American flag with greater safety through 
the land of the Moros than through any other part of the 
Philippine Archipelago. Mr. Sawyer in his new book gives 
the following interesting statements: ( ' It is a striking instance 
of the irony of fate that, just as modern weapons have 
turned the scale in favor of the Spaniards in this long 
struggle and brought the Moros within measurable distance 
of subjection, when only one more blow required to be 
struck, Spain's oriental empire should suddenly vanish in 
the smoke of Dewey's guns and her flag disappear forever 
from battlements where (except for the short interval of 
British occupation, 1762-63) it has proudly waved through 
storm and sunshine for three hundred and twenty-eight 



Semi-Civilized Tribes of the Philippines 63 

years. Such, however, is the case; and it now falls to the 
United States to complete the task of centuries, to stretch 
out a protecting hand over the Christian natives of Mindanao, 
and to suppress the last remains of a slave-raiding system as 
ruthless, as sanguinary, and as devastating as the annals of 
the world can show." 



PART II: THE CAUSES OF RACE SUPERI- 
ORITY. ANNUAL ADDRESS. BY DR. ED- 
WARD A. ROSS, PROFESSOR OF SOCIOL- 
OGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA 



(65) 



THE CAUSES OF RACE SUPERIORITY. 

Annual address by Dr. Edward A. Ross, 
Professor of Sociology in the University of Nebraska. 

The superiorities that, at a given time, one people may 
display over other peoples, are not necessarily racial. Physi- 
cal inferiorities that disappear as the peoples are equalized 
in diet and dwelling; mental inferiorities that disappear when 
the peoples are levelled up in respect to culture and means of 
education, are due not to race but to condition, not to blood but 
to surroundings. In accounting for disparities among peoples 
there are, in fact, two opposite errors into which we may 
fall. There is the equality fallacy inherited from the earlier 
thought of the last century, which belittles race differences 
and has a robust faith in the power of intercourse and school 
instruction to lift up a backward folk to the level of the 
best. Then there is the counter fallacy, grown up since 
Darwin, which exaggerates the race factor and regards the 
actual differences of peoples as hereditary and fixed. 

Just now the latter error is, perhaps, the more besetting. 
At a time when race is the watchword of the vulgar and 
when sciolists are pinning their faith to breed, we of all 
men ought to beware of it. We Americans w T ho have so 
often seen the children of underfed, stunted, scrub immi- 
grants match the native American in brain and brawn, in 
wit and grit, ought to realize how much the superior effec- 
tiveness of the latter is due to social conditions. Keleti, 
from his investigations in Hungary, has come to the conclu- 
sion that in most of the communes there the people have 
less to eat than is necessary to live and work, the result being 
alcoholism, weakness, disease and early death. Atwater, 
on the other hand, has found that the average wage- worker 
in New England consumes more food than health requires. 

(67) 



68 Annals of the American Academy. 

What a host of consequences issue from this one primary 
contrast ! 

A generation ago, in the first enthusiasm over the marvels 
of heredity, we were taught that one race is monotheistic, 
another has an affinity for polytheism. One race is tem- 
peramentally aristocratic, while another is by instinct demo- 
cratic. One race is innovating and radical, another is by 
nature conservative. But it is impossible to characterize 
races in respect to such large complex traits. A keener 
analysis connects these great historical contrasts with a num- 
ber of slight specific differences in body or temperament. For 
example, four diverse traits of the greatest social importance, 
namely, progressiveness, the spirit of adventure, migrancy 
and the disposition to flock to cities, can be traced to a 
courageous confidence in the unknown coupled with the 
high plrysical tone that calls for action. Similarly, if we 
may believe Signor Ferrero, of two equally gifted races the 
one that is the less sensual will be inferior in aesthetic output, 
less apt to cross with lower types, more loyal to the idea of 
duty, better adapted to monotonous factory labor, and more 
inclined to the Protestant form of religion. It is only by 
establishing fixed, specific differences of this kind that we 
can hope to explain those grand race contrasts that enchant 
the historian. 

The first cause of race superiority to which I invite your 
attention is a physiological trait, namely, climatic adaptability . 
Just now it is a grave question whether the flourishing and 
teeming peoples of the North Temperate zone can provide 
outlets for their surplus population in the rich but unde- 
veloped lands of the tropics. Their superiority, economic 
and military, over the peoples under the vertical sun is 
beyond cavil. But can they assert and profit by this supe- 
riority save by imposing on the natives of the tropics the 
odious and demoralizing servile relation? Can the white 
man work and multiply in the tropics, or will his role be 
limited to commercial and industrial exploitation at a safe 



The Causes of Race Superiority. 69 

distance by means of a changing, male contingent of soldiers, 
officials, business agents, planters and overseers? 

The answer is not yet sure, but the facts bearing on 
acclimatization are not comforting to our race. Immunity 
from the fevers that waste men in hot, humid climates seems 
to be in inverse ratio to energy. The French are more suc- 
cessful in tropical settlement than the Germans or the 
English. The Spanish, Portuguese and Italians surpass the 
French in almost equal measure. When it comes to settling 
Africa, instead of merely exploring or subduing it, the 
peoples may unexpectedly change their roles. With all their 
energy and their numbers the Anglo-Saxons appear to be 
physiologically inelastic, and incapable of making of Guiana 
or the Philippines a home such as they have made in New 
Zealand or Minnesota. In the tropics their very virtues — 
their push, their uncompromising standards, their aversion 
to intermarriage with the natives — are their destruction. 

Ominous, on the other hand, is the extraordinary power of 
accommodation enjoyed by the Mongolians. Says Professor 
Ripley : ' ' The Chinese succeed in Guiana where the white 
man cannot live; and they thrive from Siberia where the 
mean temperature is below freezing, to Singapore on the 
equator." There are even some who believe that the 
Chinaman is destined to dispossess the Malay in south- 
western Asia and the islands of the Pacific, and the Indian 
in the tropical parts of South America. 

There is, indeed, such a thing as acclimatization; but this 
is virtually the creation at a frightful cost of a new race 
variety by climatic selection. We may therefore regard 
his lack of adaptability as a handicap which the white man 
must ever bear in competing with black, yellow, or brown 
men. His sciences and his inventions give him only a tem- 
porary advantage, for, as the facilities for diffusion increase, 
they must pass to all. Even his educational and political 
institutions will spread wherever they are suitable. All 
precedence founded on the possession of magazine rifles, or 



70 Annai<s of the American Academy. 

steam, or the press, or the Christian religion, must end as 
these elements merge into one all-embracing, everywhere 
diffused, cosmopolitan culture. Even the advantage con- 
ferred upon a race by closer political cohesion, or earlier 
development of the state, cannot last. Could we run the 
coming centuries through a kinetoscope, we should see all 
these things as mere clothes. For, in the last analysis, it is 
solely on its persistent physiological and psychological quali- 
ties that the ultimate destinies of a race depend. 

The next truth to which I invite your attention is, that 
one race may surpass another in energy. The average of indi- 
vidual energy is not a fixed race attribute, for new varieties 
are constantly being created by migration. The voluntary, 
unassisted migration of individuals to lands of opportunity 
tends always to the upbuilding of highly energetic commu- 
nities and peoples. To the wilderness go, not the brainiest 
or noblest or highest bred, but certainly the strongest and 
the most enterprising. The weakling and the sluggard 
stay at home, or, if they are launched into the new condi- 
tions, they soon go under. The Boers are reputed to be of 
finer physique than their Dutch congeners. In America, 
before the days of exaggerated immigration, the immigrants 
were physically taller than the people from which they 
sprang, the difference amounting in some instances to an 
average of more than an inch. By measurements taken 
during the Civil War the Scotch in America were found to 
exceed their countrymen by two inches. Moreover, the 
recruits hailing from other states than those in which they 
had been born were generally taller than those who had not 
changed their residence. The Kentuckians and the Texans 
have become proverbial for stature, while the surprising 
tallness of the ladies who will be found shopping, of an after- 
noon, on Kearney street in San Francisco, testifies to the 
bigness of the "forty-niners." Comparative weights tell 
the same tale. Of the recruits in our Civil War, the New 
Euglanders weighed 140 pounds, the Middle State men 141 



The Causes of Race Superiority 71 

pounds, the Ohians and Indianans 145 pounds, and the 
Kentuckians 150. Conversely, where, as in Sardinia, the 
population is the leavings of continued emigration, the 
stature is extraordinarily low. 

This principle that repeated migrations tend to the crea- 
tion of energetic races of men, opens up enchanting vistas of 
explanation in the jungle of history. Successive waves of 
conquest breaking over a land like Sicily or India may 
signify that a race, once keyed up to a high pitch of energy 
by gradual migration from its ancient seats, tends to run 
down as soon as such beneficent selections are interrupted 
by success, and settlement in a new home. Cankered by a 
long quiet it falls a prey in a few centuries to some other 
people that has likewise been keyed up by migration. 

Again, this principle may account for the fact that those 
branches of a race achieve the most brilliant success which 
have wandered the farthest from their ancestral home. Of 
the Mongols that borrowed the old Babylonian culture, those 
who pushed across Asia to the Yellow Sea, have risen the 
highest. The Arabs and Moors that skirted Africa and 
won a home in far-away Spain, developed the most brilliant 
of the Saracenic civilizations. Hebrews, Dorians, Quirites, 
Rajputs, Hovas were far invaders. No communities in 
classic times flourished like the cities in Asia created by the 
overflow from Greece. Nowhere under the Czar are there 
such vigorous, progressive communities as in Siberia. By 
the middle of this century, perhaps, the Russian on the 
Yenesei or the Amur will be known for his ' ' push ' ' and 
' ' hustle " as is to-day the American on Lake Michigan or 
Puget Sound. It is perhaps on this principle that the men 
who made their way to the British Isles have shown them- 
selves the most masterful and achieving of the Germanic 
race ; while their offshoots in America and Australia, in 
spite of some mixture, show the highest level of indi- 
vidual efficiency found in any people of the Anglo-Saxon 
breed. Even in America there is a difference between the 



72 Annals of the American Academy 

East and the West. The listlessness and social decay- 
noticeable in many of the rural communities and old historic 
towns on the Atlantic slope, are due, no doubt, to the loss 
of their more energetic members to the rising cities and to 
the West. 

There is no doubt that the form of society which a race 
adopts is potent to paralyze or to release its energy. In this 
respect Americans are especially fortunate, for their energies 
are stimulated to the utmost by democracy. I refer not to 
popular government, but to the fact that with us social status 
depends little on birth and much on personal success. I 
will not deny that money, not merit, is frequently the test of 
social standing, and that Titania is often found kissing "the 
fair long ears " of some Bottom ; but the commercial spirit, 
even if it cannot lend society nobility or worth, certainly 
encourages men to strive. 

Where there is no rank or title or monarch to consecrate 
the hereditary principle, the capillarity of society is great, 
and ambition is whetted to its keenest edge. For it is hope 
not need that animates men. Set ladders before them and 
they will climb until their heart-strings snap. 

Without a social ladder, without infection from a leisure 
class that keys up its standard of comfort, a body of yeomen 
settling in a new and fertile land will be content with 
simplicity and rude plenty. A certain sluggishness prevails 
now among the Boers, as it prevailed among the first settlers 
beyond the Alleghenies. If, on the other hand, there 
is a social ladder, but it is occupied by those of a military or 
hereditary position, as in the Spanish communities of the 
southwest, there is likewise no stimulus to energy. But if 
vigorous men form new communities in close enough touch 
with rich and old communities to accept their exacting 
standards of comfort, without at the same time accepting 
their social ranking, each man has the greatest possible 
incentive to improve his condition. Such has been the 
relation of America to England, and of the West to the East. 



The Causes of Race Superiority 73 

This is why America spells Opportunity. Inspired by 
hope and ambition the last two generations of Americans 
have amazed the world by the breathless speed with which 
they have subdued the western half of the continent, and 
filled the wilderness with homes and cities. Never has 
the world seen such prodigies of labor, such miracles of 
enterprise, as the creation within a single lifetime of a vast 
ordered, civilized life between the Mississippi and the Pacific. 
Witnessing such lavished expenditures of human force, can 
we wonder at American "rush," American nervousness and 
heart failure, at gray hairs in the thirties and old age in the 
fifties, at our proverb "Time is money ! " and at the ubiqui- 
tous American rocking chair or hammock which enables a 
tired man to rest very quickly! 

Closely related to energy is the virtue of self-reliance. 
There is a boldness which rises at the elbow touch of one's 
fellows, and there is a stout-heartedness which inspires a man 
when he is alone. There is a courage which confronts reso- 
lutely a known danger, and a courage which faces perils un- 
known or vague. Now, it is this latter quality — self-reliance 
— which characterizes those who have migrated the oftenest 
and have migrated as individuals. On our frontier has 
always been found the Daniel Boone type, who cared little 
for the support of his kind and loved danger and adventure 
for its own sake. The American's faith in himself and con- 
fidence in the friendliness of the unknown may be due to 
his enlightenment, but it is more likely the unapprehensive- 
ness that runs in the blood of a pioneering breed. Some- 
times, as in the successive trekkings of the Boers from Cape 
Town to the Limpopo, the trait most intensified is indepen- 
dence and self-reliance. Sometimes, as in the settling of the 
Trans-Mississippi region, the premium is put on energy and 
push. But in any case voluntary migration demands men. 

Even in an old country, that element of the population is 
destined to riches and power which excels in self-reliance 
and enterprise. Cities are now the places of opportunity 



74 Annai^ of the American Academy 

and of prosperity, and it has been shown conclusively that, 
in the urban upbuilding now going on in Central Europe, 
where long-skull Teutons and broad-skull Celto-Slavs are 
mingled, the cities are more Teutonic than the rural districts 
from which their population is recruited. The city is a 
magnet for the more venturesome, and it draws to it more of 
the long-skulled race than of the broad-skulled race. In 
spite of the fact that he has no greater wit and capacity than 
the Celt, the Teuton's superior migrancy takes him to the 
foci of prosperity, and procures him a higher reward and a 
superior social status. 

Wherever there is pioneering or settlement to do, self- 
reliance is a supreme advantage. The expansion of the 
English-speaking peoples in the nineteenth century — the 
English in building their Empire, the Americans in sub- 
duing the West — seems to be due to this trait. Self-reliance 
is, in fact, a sovereign virtue in times of ferment or dis- 
placement. In static times, however, other qualities out- 
weigh it, and the victory may fall to those who are patient, 
obedient, and quick-witted, rather than to the independent 
in spirit. If this be so, then the great question of the hour. 
What is to be the near destiny of the Anglo-Saxon race ? 
involves the question whether we stand on the threshold of 
a dynamic, or a static epoch. If the former, well for the 
Anglo-Saxon; if the latter, it may be the Latins who, renew- 
ing their faith in themselves, will forge ahead. 

I think there can be no doubt that we are entering a 
tumultuously dynamic epoch. Science, machinery and 
steam — our heritage from the past century — together consti- 
tute a new economic civilization which is destined to work 
in the world a transformation such as the plow works among 
nomads. Two centuries ago Europe had little to offer Asia 
in an industrial way. Now, in western Europe and in 
America, there exists an industrial technique which alters 
the face of society wherever it goes. The exploitation of 
nature and man by steam and machinery directed by techni- 



The Causes of Race Superiority 75 

cal knowledge, has the strongest of human forces behind it, 
and nothing can check its triumphant expansion over the 
planet. The Arab spreads the religion of Mahomet with the 
Koran in one hand and the sword in the other. The white 
man of to-day spreads his economic gospel, one hand on a 
Gatling, the other on a locomotive. 

It will take at least two or three generations to level up 
the industrial methods of continents like South America or 
Africa or Asia, as a Jamaica, a Martinique, or a Hawaii 
have been levelled up; and all this time that race which 
excels in energy, self-reliance and education will have the 
advantage. When this furiously dynamic epoch closes, 
when the world becomes more static, and uniformism recurs, 
self-reliance will be at a discount, and the conditions will 
again favor the race that is patient, laborious, frugal, intelli- 
gent and apt in consolidation. Then, perhaps, the Celtic 
and Mediterranean races will score against the Anglo-Saxon. 

For economic greatness perhaps no quality is more impor- 
tant than foresight. To live from hand to mouth taking no 
thought of the morrow, is the trait of primitive man gener- 
ally, and especially of the races in the tropical lands where 
nature is bounteous, and the strenuous races have not yet 
made their competition felt. From the Rio Grande to the 
Rio de la Plata, the laboring masses, largely of Indian breed, 
are without a compelling vision of the future. The Mexi- 
cans, our consuls write us, are " occupied in obtaining food 
and amusement for the passing hour without either hope or 
desire for a better future." They are always in debt, and the 
workman hired for a job asks something in advance to buy 
materials or to get something to eat. ' ' Slaves of local attach- 
ments ' ' they will not migrate in order to get higher wages. 
In Ecuador the laborer lets to-morrow take care of itself 
and makes no effort to accumulate. In Guiana, where 
Hindoos, Chinese, Portuguese, and Creoles labor side by 
side, the latter squander their earnings while the immigrants 
from the old economic civilizations all lay by in order to 



76 Annai^s of the American Academy 

return home and enjc^. In Colombia the natives will not 
save, nor will they work in order to supply themselves with 
comforts. In British Honduras the natives are happy-go-lucky 
negroes who rarely save and who spend their earnings on 
festivals and extravagances, rather than on comforts and 
decencies. In Venezuela the laborers live for to-day and all 
their week's earnings are gone by Monday morning The 
Brazilians work as little as they can and live, and save no 
money; are satisfied so long as they have a place to sleep and 
enough to eat. 

Since, under modern conditions, abundant production is 
bound up, not so much with patient toil, as with the posses- 
sion of ample capital, it is evident that, in the economic 
rivalry of races, the palm goes to the race that discounts the 
future least and is willing to exchange present pleasures for 
future gratifications most nearly at par. The power to do 
this depends partly on a lively imagination of remote 
experiences to come, partly on the self-control that can deny 
present cravings, or resist temptation in favor of the thrifty 
course recommended by reason. We may/ in fact, distin- 
guish two types of men, the sensori-motor moved b}^ sense- 
impressions and bj r sensory images, and the ideo-motor moved 
by ideas. For it is probable that the provident races do not 
accumulate simply from the liveliness of their anticipation of 
future wants or gratifications, but from the domination of 
certain ideas. The tenant who is saving to build a cottage 
of his own is not animated simply by a picture of coming 
satisfactions. All his teaching, all his contact with his 
fellows, conspire to make " home " the goal of his hopes, to 
fill his horizon with that one radiant idea. So in the renter 
who is scrimping in order to get himself a farm as in the 
immigrant who is laying by to go back and ' ' be somebody ' ' 
in the old country, the attraction of a thousand vaguely 
imagined pleasures is concentrated in one irresistible idea. 
The race that can make ideas the lodestars of life is certain 
to supplant a race of impulsivists absorbed in sensations, and 
recollections or anticipations of sensations. 



The Causes of Race Superiority 77 

It is certain that races differ in their attitude toward past 
and future. M. L,apie has drawn a contrast between the 
Arab and the Jew. The Arab remembers; he is mindful of 
past favors and past injuries. He harbors his vengeance and 
cherishes his gratitude. He accepts everything on the 
authority of tradition, loves the ways of his ancestors, forms 
strong local attachments, and migrates little. The Jew, on 
the other hand, turns his face toward the future. He is 
thrifty and always ready for a good stroke of business, will, 
indeed, join with his worst enemy if it pays. He is calcu- 
lating, enterprising, migrant and ambitious. 

An economic quality quite distinct from foresight is the 
value sense. By this I mean that facility of abstraction and 
calculation which enables a man to fix his interest on the 
value in goods rather than on the goods themselves. The 
mere husbandman is a utility perceiver. He knows the 
power of objects to keep human beings alive and happy, and 
has no difficulty in recognizing what is good and what is not. 
But the trader is a value perceiver. Not what a thing is 
good for, but what it will fetch, engages his attention. 
Generic utilities are relatively stable, for wine and oil and 
cloth are always and everywhere fit to meet human wants; 
but value is a chameleon-like thing, varying greatly from 
time to time and place to place and person to person. The 
successful trader dares form no fixed ideas with regard to his 
wares. He must pursue the elusive value that hovers now 
here and now there, and be ready at any moment to readjust 
his notions. He must be a calculator. He must train him- 
self to recognize the abstract in the concrete and to distill the 
abstract out of the concrete. Economically, then, the trader 
is to the husbandman what the husbandman is to the hunter. 
The appearance of cities, money, and commerce puts a 
premium on the man who can perceive value. He accumu- 
lates property and founds a house, while his less skillful rival 
sinks and is devoured by war and by labor. 

All through that ancient world which produced the Phce- 



78 Annaes of the American Academy 

necian, the Jew, the Greek and the Roman, the acquisition 
of property made a difference in survival we can hardly 
understand to-day. Our per capita production is probably 
three or four times as great as theirs was, and hence the 
grain-handlers of Buffalo are vastly more able to maintain a 
family than were the grain-handlers of old Carthage or 
Alexandria. All around the Mediterranean trade pros- 
pered the value perceivers, and that type tended to multiply 
and tinge more and more the psychology and ideals of the 
classic world. In ancient society the difference in death 
rates and in family-supporting power of the various indus- 
trial grades exceeded anything we are familiar with, and 
hence those who were steady and thrifty in labor or shrewd 
and prudent in trade vastly improved their chances of sur- 
vival. Thus the economic man multiplied, and commer- 
cial, money-making Byzantium rose on the ruins of the 
old races. ' ' Long before the seat of empire was moved to 
Constantinople," says Mr. Freeman, " the name of Roman 
had ceased to imply even a presumption of descent from 
the old patricians and plebeians." "The Julius, the 
Claudius, the Cornelius of those days was for the most part 
no Roman by lineal descent, but a Greek, a Gaul, a Spaniard 
or an Illyrian." 

Between the economic type and the military type there is 
abrupt contrast, and the social situation cannot well favor 
them both at the same time. The warrior shows passional 
courage and the sway of impulse and imagination. The 
trader is calculating, counts the cost, and prizes a whole 
skin. From the second century B. C. the substitution of this 
type for the old, heroic, Cincinnatus type went on so rapidly 
that a recent writer finds congenital cowardice to be the mark 
of the Roman Senate and nobility during the empire. We 
all know the brilliant picture that Mr. Brooks Adams, in 
his "Law of Civilization and Decay," has given of the 
replacement of the military by the economic type in western 
Europe since the Crusades. 



The Causes of Race Superiority 79 

If this hypothesis be sound, the value perceiving sense is 
to be looked for in old races that have long known cities, 
money and trade. The Jew came under these influences 
at least twelve centuries earlier than did our Teutonic ances- 
tors and has therefore had about forty or fifty generations 
the start of us in becoming economic. Equal or even greater 
is the lead of the Chinaman. It is, then, no wonder that the 
Jews and the Chinese are the two most formidable mercan- 
tile races in the world to-day, just as, in the Middle Ages, the 
Greeks and the Italians were the most redoubtable traf- 
fickers and money-makers in Europe. The Scotchman, the 
Fleming, and the Yankee, minor and later economic varieties 
developed in the West, can, indeed, exist alongside the Jew. 
The less mercantile German, however, fails to hold his own, 
and vents his wrath in Anti-Semitism. The Slav, unsophis- 
ticated and rural, loses invariably in his dealings with the 
Jew, and so harshly drives him out in vast numbers. 

May we not, then, conveniently recognize two stages in the 
development away from the barbarian ? Hindoos, Japanese, 
North Africans and Europeans, in their capacity for steady 
labor, their foresight, and their power to save, constitute 
what I will call the domesticated races. But the Jews, the 
Chinese, the Parsees, the Armenians, and in general the 
peoples about the Mediterranean constitute the economic races. 
The expurgated and deleted Teuton of the West, on the 
other hand, is more recently from the woods, and remains 
something of the barbarian after all. We see it in his migra- 
toriness, his spirit of adventure, his love of dangerous sports, 
his gambling propensities, his craving for strong drink, his 
living up to his standard of comfort whether he can afford it 
or not. In quest of excitement he betakes himself to the 
Far West or the Klondike, whereas the Jew betakes himself 
to the Board of Trade or the Bourse. In direct competition 
with the more economic type the Anglo-Saxon is handi- 
capped by lack of patience and financial acumen, but still 
his virtues insure him a rich portion. His energy and self- 



80 Annals of the American Academy 

reliance locate hirn in cities and in the spacious, thriving 
parts of the earth where the economic reward is highest. 
Born pioneer, he prospects the wilderness, pre-empting the 
richest deposits of the precious metals and skimming the 
cream from the resources of nature. Strong in war and in 
government, he jealously guards his own from the economic 
races, and meets finesse with force; so that despite his less 
developed value sense, more and more the choice lands and 
the riches of the earth come into his possession and support 
his brilliant yet solid civilization. 

It is through no inadvertence that I have not brought 
forward the martial traits as a cause of race superiority. I 
do not believe that the martial traits apart from economic 
prowess are likely in the future to procure success to any 
race. When men kill one another by arms of precision 
instead of by stabbing and hacking, the knell is sounded for 
purely warelike races like the Vandals, the Huns and the 
Turks. Invention has so completely transformed warfare 
that it has become virtually an extra-hazardous branch of 
engineering. The factory system receives its latest and su- 
preme application in the killing of men. Against an intelli- 
gent force equipped with the modern specialized appliances 
of slaughter no amount of mere warlike manhood can pre- 
vail. The fate of the Dervishes is typical of what must 
more and more often occur when men are pitted against 
properly operated lethal machinery. 

Now, the war factory is as expensive as it is effective. 
None but the economic races, up to their eyes in capital and 
expert in managing machinery, can keep it running long. 
Warfare is becoming a costly form of competition in which 
the belligerents shed each other's treasure rather than 
each other's blood. A nation loses, not when it is denuded 
of men, but when it is at the end of its financial resources. 
War is, in fact, coming to be the supreme, economic touch- 
stone, testing systems of cultivation and transportation and 
banking, as well as personal courage and military organ- 
ization. 



The; Causes of Rack Superiority 8i 

At the same time that war is growing more expensive 
it is becoming less profitable. The fruits of victory are 
often mere apples of Sodom. A decent respect for the opin- 
ion of mankind debars a civilized people from massacring 
the conquered in order to plant its own colonists on their 
land, from enslaving them, from bleeding them with heavy 
and perpetual tribute. Fortunate, indeed, is the victor if 
he can extort enough to indemnify him for his outlay. 
Therefore, at the very moment that the cost of war increases, 
the declining profits of war stamp it as an industry of 
decreasing returns. Wealth is a means of procuring victory, 
but victory is no longer a means of procuring wealth. A 
non-martial race may easily become victorious by means of 
its prosperity, but it will be harder and harder for a non- 
economic race to become prosperous by means of its vic- 
tories. Even now the Turks in Europe are declining in 
numbers, and in spite of Armenian massacres the industrial 
races of the empire are growing up through the top-dressing 
of oppressors. It would seem safe to say that the purely 
war-like traits no longer insure race survival and expan- 
sion, and that in the competitions of the future the traits 
which enhance economic efficiency are likely to be most 
decisive. 

In the dim past when cultures were sporadic, each develop- 
ing apart in some island or river delta or valley closet, no 
race could progress unless it bore its crop of inventive 
genius. A high average of capacity was not so important 
as a few Gutenbergs and Faradays in each generation to 
make lasting additions to the national culture. If fruitful 
initiatives were forthcoming, imitation and education could 
be trusted to make them soon the common possession of all. 

But when culture becomes cosmopolitan, as it is to-day, the 
success of a race turns much more on the efficiency of its 
average units than on the inventions and discoveries of its 
geniuses. The heaven-sent man who invents the locomotive, 
or the dynamo, or the germ theory, confers thereby no exclu- 



82 Annals of the; American Academy 

sive advantage on his people or his race. So perfect is 
intellectual commerce, so complete is the organization of 
science, that almost at once the whole civilized world knows 
and profits by his achievements. Nowadays the pioneering 
genius belongs to mankind, and however patriotic he may 
be he aids most the race that is most prompt and able to 
exploit his invention. Parasitism of this kind, therefore, tends 
to annul genius as a factor in race survival. During the cen- 
tury just closed the French intellect has stood supreme in its 
contributions to civilization; yet France has derived no 
exclusive advantage from her men of genius. It is differ- 
ences in the qualities of the common men of the rival 
peoples that explains why France has not doubled its popu- 
lation in a century, while the English stock in the meantime 
has peopled some of the choicest parts of the world and more 
than quadrupled its numbers. 

Henceforth this principle of cosmopolitanism must be 
reckoned with. Even if the Chinese have not } r et van- 
quished the armies of the West with Mauser rifles supplied 
from Belgium, there is no reason why that mediocre and intel- 
lectually sterile race may not yet defeat us industrially by the 
aid of machines and processes conceived in the fertile brains of 
our Edisons and Marconis. Organizing talent, of course, — 
industrial, administrative, military, — each race must, in the 
long run, produce from its own loins ; but in the industrial 
Armageddon to come it may be that the laurels will be won 
by a mediocre type of humanity, equipped with the science 
and the appliances of the more brilliant and brain-fertile peo- 
ples. Not preponderance of genius will be decisive, but 
more and more the energy, self-reliance, fecundity, and 
acquired skill of the average man ; and the nation will do 
most for itself that knows how best to foster these winning 
qualities by means of education and wise social institutions. 

How far does moral excellence profit a race? Those who 
hold that Die Weltgeschichte ist das Weltgericht tell us that 
the weal or woe of nations depends upon morals. Indeed, 



The Causes of Race Superiority 83 

every flourishing people lays its prosperity first to its religion, 
and then to its moral code. Climatic adaptation or economic 
capacity is the last thing to be thought of as a cause of 
superiority. 

The chief moral trait of a winning race is stability of 
character. Primitive peoples are usually over-emotional 
and poised unstably between smiles and tears. They act 
quickly if at all, and according to the impulse of the moment. 
The Abyssinian, for example, is fickle, fleeting and per- 
jured, the Kirghiz " fickle and uncertain," the Bedouin 
"loves and honors violent acts." The courage of the 
Mongol is " a sudden blaze of pugnacity ' ' rather than a cool 
intrepidity. We recall Carlyle's comparing Gallic fire 
which is "as the crackling of dry thorns under a pot," with 
the Teutonic fire which rises slowly but will smelt iron. In 
private endeavor perseverance, in the social economy the 
keeping of promises, and in the state steadfastness — these 
are the requisites of success, and they all depend on stability 
of character. Reliability in business engagements and 
settled reverence for law are indispensable in higher social 
development. The great economic characteristics of this age 
are the tendency to association, the growth of exchange, the 
increasing use of capital and the greater elaborateness of 
organization. They all imply the spreading of business 
over more persons, more space, and more time, and the 
increasing dependence of every enterprise upon what certain 
persons have been appointed to do or have engaged to 
do. Unreliable persons who fail to do their duty or keep 
their promises are quickly extruded from the economic 
organization. Industrial evolution, therefore, places a 
rising premium on reflection and self-control, the founda- 
tions of character. More and more it penalizes the childish- 
ness or frivolousness of the cheaply-gotten-up, mana?ia 
races. 

As regards the altruistic virtues, they are too common to 
confer a special advantage. Honesty, docility, faithfulness 



84 Annates of the; American Academy 

and other virtues that lessen social friction abound at every 
stage of culture and in almost every breed. The economic 
virtues are a function of race; but the moral virtues seem rather 
to be a function of association. They do not make society ; 
society makes them. Just as the joint secretes the lubricat- 
ing synovial fluid so every settled community, if undisturbed, 
secretes in time the standards, ideals and imperatives which 
are needed to lessen friction. Good order is, in fact, so little 
a monopoly of the higher races that the attainment of it is 
more difficult among Americans at Dutch Flat or Skagway 
than it is among Eskimos or Indians. Sociability and sym- 
pathy are, indeed, serviceable in promoting cohesion among 
natural men ; but they are of little account in the higher 
social architecture. The great races have been stern and 
grasping, with a strong property sense. More and more the 
purposive triumphs over the spontaneous association ; so that 
the great historic social edifices are built on concurrence of 
aims, on custom or religion or law, never on mere brotherly 
feeling. 

Indeed, the primary social sentiments are at variance with 
that sturdy self-reliance which, as we have seen, enables a 
race to overrun the earth. It was observed even in the 
California gold diggings that the French miners stayed to- 
gether, while the solitary American or Briton serenely roamed 
the wilderness with his outfit on a burro, and made the 
richest "strikes." To-day a French railway builder in 
Tonkin says of the young French engineers in his employ : 
" They sicken, morally and physically, these fellows. They 
need papa and mamma ! I had good results from bringing 
them together once or twice a week, keeping them laugh- 
ing, making them amuse themselves and each other, in spite 
of lack of amusement. Then all would go well." It is per- 
haps this cruel homesickness which induces the French to 
restrict their numbers rather than expatriate themselves to 
over-sea colonies. Latin sociability is the fountain of many 
of the graces that make life worth living, but it is certainly 



The Causes of Race Superiority 85 

a handicap in just this critical epoch, when the apportion- 
ment of the earth among the races depends so much on a 
readiness to fight, trade, prospect or colonize thousands of 
miles from home. 

The superiority of a race cannot be preserved without 
pride of blood and an uncompromising attitude toward the 
lower races. In Spanish America the easygoing and 
unfastidious Spaniard peopled the continent with half-breeds 
and met the natives half way in respect to religious and 
political institutions. In East Africa and Brazil the Portu- 
guese showed toward the natives even less of that race 
aversion which is so characteristic of the Dutch and the 
English. In North America, on the other hand, the white 
men have rarely mingled their blood with that of the Indian 
or toned down their civilization to meet his capacities. The 
Spaniard absorbed the Indians, the English exterminated 
them by fair means or foul. Whatever may be thought of the 
latter policy, the net result is that North America from the 
Behring Sea to the Rio Grande is dedicated to the highest 
type of civilization; while for centuries the rest of our 
hemisphere will drag the ball and chain of hybridism. 

Since the higher culture should be kept pure as well as 
the higher blood, that race is stronger which, down to the 
cultivator or the artisan, has a strong sense of its superiority. 
When peoples and races meet there is a silent struggle to 
determine which shall do the assimilating. The issue of 
this grapple turns not wholly on the relative excellence of 
their civilizations, but partly on the degree of faith each 
has in itself and its ideals. The Greeks assimilated to them- 
selves all the peoples about the Mediterranean save the Jew, 
partly because the humblest wandering Greek despised "the 
barbarians," and looked upon himself as a missionary to the 
heathen. The absorbent energy of the United States prob- 
ably surpasses that of any mere colony because of the stimu- 
lus given us by an independent national existence. America 
is a psychic maelstrom that has sucked in and swallowed up 



86 Annals of the American Academy 

hosts of aliens. Five millions of Germans, for instance, 
have joined us, and yet how little has our institutional 
development been deflected by them ! I dare say the few 
thousand university-trained Germans, and Americans edu- 
cated in Heidelberg or Gottingen, have injected more Ger- 
man culture into our veins than all the immigrants that ever 
passed through Castle Garden. There is no doubt that the 
triumph of Americanism over these heterogeneous elements, 
far more decisive now than eighty years ago, has been has- 
tened by the vast contempt that even the native farm-hand 
or mechanic feels for the unassimilated immigrant. Had he 
been less sure of himself, had he felt less pride in American 
ideals and institutions, the tale might have been different. 

One question remains. Is the Superior Race as we have 
portrayed it, able to survive all competitions and expand 
under all circumstances ? There is, I am convinced, one 
respect in which very foresight and will power that mark 
the higher race dig a pit beneath its feet. 

In the presence of the plenty produced by its triumphant 
energy the superior race forms what the economists call ' ' a 
Standard of Comfort," and refuses to multiply save upon 
this plane. With his native ambition stimulated by the 
opportunity to rise and his natural foresight reinforced by 
education, the American, for example, overrules his strongest 
instincts and refrains from marrying or from increasing his 
family until he can realize his subjective standard of comfort 
or decency. The power to form and cling to such a standard 
is not only one of the noblest triumphs of reason over 
passion, but is, in sooth, the only sure hope for the eleva- 
tion of the mass of men from the abyss of want and struggle. 
The progress of invention held out such a hope but it has 
proven a mockery. Steam and machinery, it is true, ease 
for a little the strain of population on resources; but if the 
birth-rate starts forward and the slack, is soon taken up by 
the increase of mouths, the final result is simply more peo- 
ple living on the old plane. The rosy glow thrown upon 



The Causes of Race Superiority 87 

the future by progress in the industrial arts proves but a 
false dawn unless the common people acquire new wants and 
raise the plane upon which the)' multiply. 

Now, this rising standard, which alone can pilot us toward 
the Golden Age, is a fatal weakness when a race comes to 
compete industrially with a capable race that multiplies on a 
lower plane. Suppose, for example, Asiatics flock to this 
country and, enjoying equal opportunities under our laws, 
learn our methods and compete actively with Americans. 
They may be able to produce and therefore earn in the or- 
dinary occupations, say three-fourths as much as Americans ; 
but if their standard of life is only half as high, the Asiatic 
will marry before the American feels able to marry. The 
Asiatic will rear two children while his competitor feels able 
to rear but one. The Asiatic will increase his children to six 
under conditions that will not encourage the American to 
raise more than four. Both, perhaps, are forward-looking 
and influenced by the worldly prospects of their children ; 
but where the Oriental is satisfied with the outlook the 
American, who expects to school his children longer and place 
them better, shakes his head. 

Now, to such a competition there are three possible 
results. First, the American, becoming discouraged, may 
relinquish his exacting standard of decency and begin to 
multiply as freely as the Asiatic. This, however, is likely 
to occur only among the more reckless and worthless ele- 
ments of our population. Second, the Asiatic may catch up 
our wants as well as our arts, and acquire the higher stand- 
ard and lower rate of increase of the American. This is just 
what contact and education are doing for the French Cana- 
dians in New Kngland, for the immigrants in the West, and 
for the negro in some parts of the South; but the members 
of a great culture race like the Chinese show no disposition, 
even when scattered sparsely among us, to assimilate to us 
or to adopt our standards. Not until their self-complacency 
has been undermined at home and an extensive intellectual 



88 Annals of the American Academy 

ferment has taken place in China itself will the Chinese 
become assimilable elements. Thirdly, the standards may- 
remain distinct, the rates of increase unequal, and the silent 
replacement of Americans by Asiatics go on unopposed until 
the latter monopolize all industrial occupations, and the 
Americans shrink to a superior caste able perhaps by virtue 
of its genius, its organization, and its vantage of position to 
retain for a while its hold on government, education, 
finance, and the direction of industry, but hopelessly beaten 
and displaced as a race. In other words, the American farm 
hand, mechanic and operative might wither away before the 
heavy influx of a prolific race from the Orient, just as in 
classic times the L,atin husbandman vanished before the end- 
less stream of slaves poured into Italy by her triumphant 
generals. 

For a case like this I can find no words so apt as 
"race suicide." There is no bloodshed, no violence, no 
assault of the race that waxes upon the race that wanes. 
The higher race quietly and unmurmuringly eliminates itself 
rather than endure individually the bitter competition it has 
failed to ward off from itself by collective action. The 
working classes gradually delay marriage and restrict the size 
of the family as the opportunities hitherto reserved for their 
children are eagerly snapped up by the numerous progeny 
of the foreigner. The prudent, self-respecting natives first 
cease to expand, and then, as the struggle for existence grows 
sterner and the outlook for their children darker, they fail 
even to recruit their own numbers. It is probably the visible 
narrowing of the circle of opportunity through the infiltra- 
tion of Irish and French Canadians that has brought so low 
the native birth-rate in New England. 

- However this may be, it is certain that if we venture to 
apply to the American people of to-day the series of tests of 
superiority I have set forth to you at such length, the result is 
most gratifying to our pride. It is true that our average of 
energy and character is lowered by the presence in the South 



The Causes of Race Superiority 89 

of several millions of an inferior race. It is true that the 
last twenty years have diluted us with masses of fecund but 
beaten humanity from the hovels of far Lombardy and Galicia. 
It is true that our free land is gone and our opportunities 
• will henceforth attract immigrants chiefly from the humbler 
strata of East European peoples. Yet, while there are here 
problems that only high statesmanship can solve, I believe 
there is at the present moment no people in the world that 
is, man for man, equal to the Americans in capacity and 
efficiency. We stand now at the moment when the gradual 
westward migration has done its work. The tonic selections 
of the frontier have brought us as far as they can bring us. 
The testing individualizing struggle with the wilderness has 
developed in us what it would of body, brain and character. 
Moreover, free institutions and universal education have 
keyed to the highest tension the ambitions of the Ameri- 
can. He has been chiefly farmer and is only beginning 
to expose himself to the deteriorating influences of city and 
factory. He is now probably at the climax of his energy and 
everything promises that in the centuries to come he is 
destined to play a brilliant and leading role on the stage of 
history. 



PART III: THE RACE 
PROBLEM AT THE SOUTH 



(91) 



THE RACE PROBLEM AT THE 
SOUTH. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 
BY COL. HILARY A. HERBERT, 
EX-SECRETARY OF THE NAVY 



(93) 



THE RACE PROBLEM AT THE SOUTH. 
By Col. Hilary A. Herbert, 

Ex-Secretary of the Navy. 

This is a land of free speech. Americans may now discuss 
anywhere, North or South, even their Negro question in all 
its bearings. This it has not always been easy to do even 
in this historic city, which claims the proud distinction of 
being the birthplace of American liberties. In 1859 George 
William Curtis became temporarily a hero by an anti- 
slavery speech in Philadelphia. A mob had gathered to 
prevent him, but the mayor of the city, backed by the police, 
succeeded in protecting the speaker, who delivered his 
address in spite of the missiles that were hurled into the 
room where he spoke. The next year, however, so violent 
were the passions of the day that the friends of that great 
orator could not hire a hall in this city for Mr. Curtis to 
lecture in, even on a subject totally disconnected with the 
Negro, or with politics. 

In those days the Negro question was full of dynamite, 
because we then had in this country two systems, I might 
almost say two civilizations, one founded on free and the 
other intimately interwoven with and largely dependent upon 
slave labor. They were in sharp conflict with each other, 
and therefore it was that free discussion of the slavery 
question, or Negro problem, was then sometimes difficult at 
the North, while it was everywhere impossible in the South. 
Abolition sentiment was proclaiming in the North that 
slavery must go, no matter at what cost. In the South, 
therefore, the stern law of self-preservation demanded the 
rigid suppression of free speech on this question, lest discus- 
sion should incite insurrection, and light the midnight torch 
of the incendiary. In the North the motive of the mobs 
which, like those who gathered around Mr. Curtis here in 

(95) 



g6 ANNAI£ OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY 

1859, and who called themselves Union men, was to pre- 
vent abolition speeches because they saw in them disunion 
or civil war, or it might be both civil war and disunion. 
The civil war came; it was terrible; more terrible than 
dreamer ever dreamed of. But it is over, and there will 
never be disunion; no one fears it now, because now no one 
desires it. Slavery is dead, and can never be resurrected. 
So, therefore, there is now nothing to hinder free speech, 
here or elsewhere in our country, about the race problem 
in the South. We are all here to aid, as far as we 
may, in its correct solution. The city in which this meeting 
is convened, the auspices under which we are met, the start- 
ling contrasts in the antecedents of those who are to take 
part in the discussion, all are propitious. This Academy is 
seeking knowledge. 

But let us not lose sight of the fact that many years had 
rolled away after our Civil War, before a meeting comprising 
so many divergent elements as this became possible, even in 
the city of Philadelphia. If in 1861 there was dynamite in 
the Negro question, so when that dynamite had exploded, 
and when states had been wrecked and social and economic 
systems shattered, the problems that grew out of the Negro 
question were quite as exciting when up for discussion as 
had been slavery itself. 

The most acute form in which this many-sided question 
then presented itself was suffrage, and every student now 
knows that political science played no part in its solution, 
that the reconstruction acts were passed and the Fifteenth 
Amendment was adopted when party spirit was more intol- 
erant than it had ever been before, and the passions of war 
were still blazing fiercely. The Constitution of the fathers 
was framed in this city after mature deliberation behind 
closed doors. The Fifteenth Amendment, changing that 
instrument fundamentally, was formulated after heated 
debate in Congress, on the rostrum, and in the newspapers 
throughout the land . In debating the question of granting 



The Rack Problem at the South 97 

suffrage by law to millions of ex-slaves, and then of clinch- 
ing the right by a constitutional provision intended to secure 
it forever, whether it worked for good or evil, the funda- 
mental proposition for consideration should have been the 
fitness of the Negro. Was he intellectually, by training and 
antecedents, competent to take part — often a controlling 
part — in the great business of government ? But the case 
did not turn on that point, the discussion was always wide 
of that mark. The nearest approach to the question of the 
fitness of the ex-slave for the ballot was this argument: Did 
not the government free the Negro ? Was he not the ward 
of the nation ? Did not the government owe him protec- 
tion ? And how could he protect himself without the 
ballot? 

This, though fitness was assumed without argument to 
support it, is the most defensible of all the grounds on which 
the Fifteenth Amendment became part of the Constitution. 
If the Negro had only possessed the qualifications which 
political science tells us are essential in those on whose 
shoulders rest the burdens of republican government, with 
the ballot in hand he would not only have protected him- 
self, but he would have given to the Southern States, and he 
would have helped to give to the nation, the blessings of 
good government. But the fitness for the ballot that had 
been taken for granted did not exist. The political struc- 
tures based on Negro ballots, like the house of the unwise 
man in the Scriptures, fell because they were builded upon 
sand. 

Out of reconstruction and the Fifteenth Amendment have 
come many of the peculiar phases, and nearly all the aggra- 
vations which now beset the ' ' race problem at the South, ' ' the 
subject before you for discussion this afternoon. In the days 
of reconstruction the teachings of political science as such, and 
of ethnology, its handmaid, had made but little impression in 
America. Political science had been taught, it is true in Wil- 
liam and Mary College, to Jefferson and other Virginia states- 



98 Annates of the American Academy. 

men prior to the Revolution, and there were, prior to i860, 
in a few scattered American colleges, solitary professors lectur- 
ing occasionally on the subject, but great schools of polit- 
ical science and great academies like this are of recent 
growth. 

This Academy and its co-laborers did not come too soon; 
they did not enter the field before the harvest was ripe. As 
our country expands it has need for wider knowledge. It 
is dealing now not only with its Negroes in the South, but 
with Cuban and Porto Rican and Philippine populations, 
and it needs not only accurate knowledge of all these peo- 
ples, but, facing as we do a future that will bring to us 
questions as momentous as they will be novel, the time has 
come when we must search carefully for and familiarize our 
people with the lessons of our own history, that our experi- 
ence may be a lamp to guide our feet. You gentlemen of 
this Academy have set yourselves to that work, and I am very 
sure you will do it fearlessly. The task you have set your- 
self requires high thinking and bold speaking. Where 
our fathers acted wisely you will hold up their example to 
imitation. Where they made mistakes, you will not hesi- 
tate to point them out. 

Professor Cope, the great naturalist of your University, 
was a pioneer in the field you are exploring. A few years 
ago he made a notable contribution to the discussion of the 
race problem you are to consider this evening. It was a 
series of articles published in the Open Court, a Chicago 
periodical, discussing, from the standpoint of a naturalist, 
the differences between the white man and the Negro. He 
showed the inferiority of the Negro, and contended that the 
Mulatto was in many respects, which he carefully pointed 
out, inferior to both his parents. Then he left the firm 
ground of science on which he was at home, and surmised 
that intermarriage would hereafter become common in the 
South. If this surmise should be correct, then there would 
follow, as he had proven, the destruction of a large portion 



The Race Problem at the South 99 

of the finest race upon earth, the whites of the South. To 
prevent this result he argued that the government could 
well afford, whatever might be the cost, to deport all the 
Negroes from the South. This admixture of the races let us 
hope will not take place, and deportation is impossible. 

If these articles had been written and published in i860 
who can estimate the opprobium that would have been 
heaped upon Professor Cope and the University of Pennsyl- 
vania. But in the nineties the publication excited no 
comment. It was simply a scientific contribution to the 
discussion of the Negro question. The day of free thought 
and free speech even on our race problem had come. 

So I am free here and now to say to you, and you will 
consider it for what it is worth, that in my opinion the 
granting of universal suffrage to the Negro was the mistake 
of the nineteenth century. I say that, believing myself to 
be a friend to the Negro, willing and anxious that he shall 
have fair play and the fullest opportunity under the law to 
develop himself to his utmost capacity. ( Suffrage wronged 
the Negro, because he could only develop by practicing 
industry and economy, while learning frugality. It was a 
mistake to tempt him away from the field of labor into the 
field of politics, where, as a rule, he could understand 
nothing that was taught him except the color line. Negro 
suffrage was a wrong to the white man of the South, for it 
brought him face to face with a situation in which he 
concluded, after some years of trial, that in order to preserve 
his civilization he must resort to fraud in elections, and fraud 
in elections, wherever it may be practiced, is like the deadly 
upas tree ; it scatters its poisons in every direction. Uni- 
versal suffrage in the South has demoralized our politics 
there. It has created a bitterness between the present 
generations of whites and blacks that had never existed 
between the ex-slave and his former master. These are 
among the complications of the problem you are studying. 
Another crying evil that has resulted to the people of the 



ioo Annals of the; American Academy 

South and of the whole Union is that we now have an abso- 
lutely solid South, where the necessity for white supremacy 
is so dominant that no political question can be discussed on 
its merits, and whites do not divide themselves between the 
two national parties. What we need in the Southern States 
to-day, above all things, is two political parties, strong 
enough and able to deal with each other at arms' -length. 

The Negro's prospects for improvement, his development 
since emancipation, his industrial conditions, his relation to 
crime, the scanty results of the system of education that has 
been pursued, how that system can be bettered — all these 
questions as they exist to-day are before you for debate. Here 
and there, among Southern people, are some who in despair 
are advocating that no more money be spent by the whites for 
the education of the blacks. This, I am glad to say, is not the 
prevailing sentiment. The Southern people, as a rule, believe 
that we should continue to strive for the development of the 
Negro and the lifting of him up to a higher plane, where he 
may be more useful to himself and to the state. Most of us 
are looking hopefully to that system which is now being so 
successfully practiced in different Southern schools, and 
notably at Tuskegee, Alabama. Booker T. Washington, the 
president of that institution, is one of the remarkable men 
of to-day. A paper from his pen was to have been read 
before you. 1 Unfortunately it has not reached you yet, but 
it will come. Every opinion he may express, and every 
fact he may state, is entitled to most careful consideration. 
Two eminent speakers are here to discuss the questions 
which I have only attempted to indicate, and I will detain 
you no longer. 

This meeting is open for business. 

Our next speaker is Dr. George T. Winston, president of 
the North Carolina College of Agriculture and Mechanic 
Arts. President Winston is a Southerner, a native of North 

1 This paper was not received in time for publication in this volume, but will 
appear in a later issue of the Annals.— Editor. 



The Race Problem at the South ioi 

Carolina, his father was a slave owner ; he himself is a 
graduate of Cornell, and there were two Negroes in his class. 
He has enjoyed exceptional opportunities for study and for 
understanding the subject of which he will speak to you, 
which is "The Relation of the Whites to the Negroes." I 
introduce Dr. Winston. 



THE RELATION OF THE WHITES 
TO THE NEGROES. BY PRESIDENT 
GEORGE T. WINSTON, LL.D., NORTH 
CAROLINA COLLEGE OF AGRICULT- 
URE AND MECHANIC ARTS 



(103) 



THE RELATION OF THE WHITES TO THE 
NEGROES. 

By President George T. Winston, 

North Carolina College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts. 

Since the abolition of slavery a great change has taken 
place in the relations of the whites to the Negroes in the 
Southern states. This change has been one not merely of 
ownership and legal authority, but of personal interest, of 
moral influence, of social and industrial relations. 

To-day there is practically no social intercourse between 
the two races, excepting such as exists between the Negroes 
and the most degraded whites. It was far different in 
slavery. Then the two races mingled freely together, not 
on terms of social equality, but in very extended and 
constant social intercourse. In almost every household the 
children of the two races played and frolicked together, or 
hunted, fished or swam together in the fields, streams and 
forests. During my childhood and boyhood the greater 
portion of my play-time was spent in games and sports with 
Negroes. Scarcely any pleasure was so great to a southern 
child as playing with Negroes. In the long summer evenings 
we would play and romp until bed-time in the spacious yard 
surrounding the house, or in the garden or neighboring 
fields. I remember well how the evenings would fly by, 
and how my mother would grant repeated extensions of 
time, "just to play one more game of fox-and-geese, or hide- 
the-switch." Some of the songs that we sang and some of 
the games that we played, part singing, part acting, part 
dancing, still linger in my memory and carry me back to the 
happiness of childhood. Always in my childhood memories, 
especially in happy memories, I find associated together my 
mother, my home, and the Negro slaves. 

(105) 



106 Annals of the American Academy 

During the winter evenings, when it was disagreeable out 
of doors, I would get permission for four or five Negro boys 
and girls to play with me in the library, or in the nursery. 
Here we would play indoor games ; jack-straws, blind-man's- 
buff, checks, checkers, pantomime, geography puzzles, con- 
undrum matches and spelling bees. Frequently I would 
read the Negroes fairy stories, or show them pictures in the 
magazines and books of art. I remember how we used to 
linger over a beautiful picture of Lord William Russell 
bidding adieu to his family before going to execution ; and 
how in boyish way I would tell the Negroes the story of his 
unhappy fate and his wife's devotion. Another favorite 
picture was the coronation of Queen Victoria. How we 
delighted in "Audubon's Birds " and in the beautifully 
colored plates and animals in the government publications 
on natural history. The pleasure was by no means one-sided. 
To our hotch-pot of amusement and instruction the Negroes 
contributed marvelous tales of birds and animals, which 
more than offset my familiar reminiscences of Queen Victoria 
and Lord Russell. 

It was a great privilege during slavery for the white 
children to visit Negro cabins at night and listen to their folk 
lore. Those delightful stories immortalized by Joel Chandler 
Harris, in the character of Uncle Remus, I heard many times 
in my youth, and many others besides equally delightful. 
There is a marvelous attraction between a white child and a 
Negro ; even between a little child and a grown Negro. I 
always found it a pleasure to sit in the cabins and watch 
them at work. It was a pleasure just to be with them. I 
have eaten many a meal with my father's slaves in their 
cabins, always treated with consideration, respect and affec- 
tion, but not greater than I myself felt for the master and 
mistress of the humble cabin. My mother would have 
punished severely any disrespect or rudeness on my part 
toward the older Negroes. I would not have dared to call 
them by their names. It was always "Uncle Tom" or 



Relation of the Whites to the Negroes 107 

"Aunt Susan," when I addressed them. This form of 
appellation was common in the South between whites and 
blacks. Even a strange Negro, whose name was not known, 
however humble he might be, was saluted on the high road, 
when passed by a respectable white person, with the friendly- 
greeting of " Howdye, Uncle," or " Howdye, Auntie." 

Social intercourse between white and black during slavery 
was not confined to children. Not infrequently the Negro 
women would come to the ' ' White House ' ' to see the mis- 
tress, often in the evenings, sitting and chatting in the nur- 
sery or the ladies' sitting room. Visits to the slave cabins 
were made regularly, oftentimes daily, by the white women 
of the household, who went not merely to visit the sick and 
inspect the children, to advise and direct about work and 
household matters, but to show their personal interest in 
and regard for the Negroes themselves, not as slaves, nor 
workers, but as individuals, as human beings, and some- 
times as dear friends. In short, a social visit was made ; 
not upon terms of social equality, but still a social visit, dur- 
ing which the news of the plantation or neighborhood, and oc- 
casionally of the larger world, was exchanged and discussed. 
This custom existed to some extent even on large planta- 
tions, where the slaves were more isolated and herded to- 
gether in larger numbers. On small farms, where the races 
were about equal numerically, and in all households there 
was constant and very familiar contact between white and 
black. The white women in Southern households usually 
aided and directed the work of the Negroes. The mistress 
sewed or cut garments in the same room with the slave seam- 
stresses. The lady's maid slept upon a couch or pallet in 
her lady's chamber, or the one adjoining. The cooks, 
dining-room servants, nurses, laundresses, coachmen, house- 
boys, gardeners, shoemakers, carpenters, blacksmiths and 
mechanics generally were in daily enjoyment of a very con- 
siderable degree of social intercourse with the white race. 
They entered into the traditions and spirit of the family to 



io8 Annals of the American Academy 

which they belonged, defended its name and its honor, ac- 
cepted in a rude way its ideas of courtesy, morality and 
religion, and thus became to a considerable degree inheritors 
of the civilization of the white race. It was this semi-social 
intercourse between the two races, without ai^ approach to 
social equality, this daily and hourly contact producing per- 
sonal interest, friendship and affection, added to the industrial 
training of slavery that transformed the Negro so quickly 
from a savage to a civilized man. 

( The one great evil connected with race familiarity, the 
evil of licentiousness and miscegenation, while degrading 
to the white race was not entirely harmful to the Negro. 
Nearly all the leaders of the Negro race, both during slavery 
and since, have been Mulattoes ; and the two really great 
men credited to the Negro race in the United States have 
been the sons of white fathers, and strongly marked by the 
mental and moral qualities of the white race. The Mulatto 
is quicker, brighter, and more easily refined than the Negro. 
There is a general opinion among Southern people that he 
is inferior morally; but I believe that his only inferiority is 
physical and vital. It cannot be denied that the Negro race 
has been very greatly elevated by its Mulatto members. In- 
deed, if you strike from its records all that Mulattoes have 
said and done, little would be left. Wherever work requir- 
ing refinement, extra intelligence and executive ability is 
performed, you will find it usually directed by Mulattoes. 

But the social intercourse between the races in the South, 
which was so helpful to the blacks, has now practically 
ceased. The children of this generation no longer play and 
frolic together. White ladies no longer visit Negro cabins. 
The familiar salutation of "Uncle" or "Auntie" is no 
longer heard. The lady's maid sleeps no more by the bed- 
side of her mistress. The Southern woman with her help- 
less little children in solitary farm house no longer sleeps 
secure in the absence of her husband with doors unlocked 
but safely guarded by black men whose lives would be freely 



Relation of the Whites to the Negroes 109 

given in her defence. But now, when a knock is heard at 
the door, she shudders with nameless horror. The black 
brute is lurking in the dark, a monstrous beast, crazed with 
lust. His ferocity is almost demoniacal. A mad bull or a 
tiger could scarcely be more brutal. A whole community 
is now frenzied with horror, with blind and furious rage for 
vengeance. A stake is driven ; the wretched brute, covered 
with oil, bruised and gashed, beaten and hacked and maimed, 
amid the jeers and shouts and curses, the tears of anger and 
of joy, the prayers and the maledictions of thousands of civil- 
ized people, in the sight of school-houses, court-houses and 
churches is burned to death. Since the abolition of slavery 
and the growing up of a new generation of Negroes, crimes 
that are too hideous to describe have been committed every 
month, every week, frequently every day, against the help- 
less women and children of the white race, crimes that were 
unknown in slavery. And, in turn, cruelties have been in- 
flicted upon Negroes by whole communities of whites, which, 
if attempted during slavery, would have been prevented at 
any sacrifice. I do not hesitate to say that more horrible 
crimes have been committed by the generation of Negroes 
that have grown up in the South since slavery than by the 
six preceding generations in slavery. And also that the 
worst cruelties of slavery all combined for two centuries were 
not equal to the savage barbarities inflicted in retaliation 
upon the Negroes by the whites during the last twenty years. 
This condition of things is too horrible to last. In must grow 
better ; or else grow worse, and by its own fury destroy both 
black and white. 

Between the older generations in the South there is still 
warm affection. Whenever I visit ni}' old home, all the 
Negroes that are able, come to see me, many traveling con- 
siderable distances. The last time I was there my nurse and 
playmate, a woman of fifty years, about six years my elder, 
threw her arms around me and wept like a child, completely 
overcome with emotion. She was honest, virtuous, industri- 



no Annals op the American Academy 

ous, intelligent, affectionate and faithful. She had been 
raised from childhood by my mother and had slept every 
night in my mother's bed room. I am sure that every 
member of my father's family would have risked his life to 
protect her. And she would have greatly preferred death 
to seeing misfortune or disaster visit our family. My youngest 
brother's nurse, dying about ten years after emancipation, 
made her will and left her little store of goods and property, 
worth perhaps a hundred dollars, to her white nursling, 
" little Master Robert." A few days ago a Negro man was 
pardoned from the State penitentiary in North Carolina, by 
the Governor. The following letter secured his pardon. It 
was written by his former master and playmate, a captain in 
the Confederate army, an ex-member of Congress, a Demo- 
cratic member of the recent State Legislature : 

To His Excellency Honorable Chari.ES B. Aycock, Governor of 
North Carolina. 

Dear Sir : I respectfully and earnestly petition you to pardon 
William Alexander, a Negro convicted of burglary in the year 1889, in 
Mecklenburg County. William was born on my father's plantation, 
and is about fifty-eight or fifty-nine years old, one or two years my 
junior. I need only state that his father was our coachman and his 
mother our cook, to show you my opportunity was good for knowing 
him. He was my slave, and his father and mother died on my plan- 
tation. William was not smart, or, to use a plantation term, was less 
bright than any of the young Negroes on the plantation. Knowing 
both of the Negroes connected with him in the burglary, I feel no 
hesitation in assuring you that I believe that they persuaded him to 
join them. William has now served about twelve years. This is an 
excessive punishment for a Negro of a low order of intelligence. If 
he came of a bad family, I would not ask his pardon. His family is 
as good as any Negro family in this state. He is the only one that 
has ever been indicted for crime. I could get others to sign a petition, 
but it would be a favor for me, not him, for an ordinary Negro con- 
fined in the penitentiary for twelve years is a forgotten man. Gov- 
ernor, I pray you to pardon William Alexander ; and, if he will, he 
can retnrn to my plantation where the friend of his boyhood will give 
him a home. 

Very respectfully, 

Raleigh, N. C, March 26, 1901. S. B. Alexander. 



Relation op the; Whites to the Negroes hi 

The industrial relations of the races have also undergone 
great changes in the South, though not so marked as the 
changes in social and personal relations. Under slavery 
almost all the labor of the South was performed by Negroes, 
or by Negroes and whites working side by side. The South 
was lacking in manufactures, and used little machinery. 
Its demand for skilled labor was not large, but what de- 
mand existed was supplied mainly by Negroes. Negro 
carpenters, plasterers, bricklayers, blacksmiths, wheelwrights, 
painters, harnessmakers, tanners, millers, weavers, barrel- 
makers, basketmakers, shoemakers, chairmakers, coachmen, 
spinners, seamstresses, housekeepers, gardeners, cooks, 
laundresses, embroiderers, maids of all work, could be 
found in every community, and frequently on a single plan- 
tation. Skilled labor was more profitable than unskilled, 
and therefore every slave was made as skilful as was possi- 
ble under a slave system. The young Negroes were brought 
up to labor, from an early age. The smartest girls were 
trained to domestic service in its various branches, and 
became practically members of the family, so far as careful 
training was concerned. Many of them could sew, knit, 
crochet, embroider, cut, fit and make garments, clean up 
house, wash and iron, spin and weave, even more skilfully 
than the mistress who had taught them. All the garments 
that I wore in childhood were made by Negroes or by my 
mother, with the single exception of the hat. Negro lads 
who showed aptitude for trades, were hired out under a sort 
of apprentice system, and taught to be skilful as carpenters, 
masons, smiths, and the like. The Negro artisans were 
very jealous of their rights, and stood upon their profes- 
sional skill and knowledge. I remember, one day, my 
father, who was a lawyer, offered some suggestions to .one of 
r his slaves, a fairly- good carpenter, who was building us a barn. 
The old Negro heard him with ill-concealed disgust, and 
replied: "Look here, Master, you'se a first-rate lawyer, 
no doubt ; but you don't know nothing 'tall 'bout carpenter- 



ii2 AnnaivS of the; American Academy 

ing. You better go back to your lawbooks." The most 
accomplished housemaid, maid-of-all-work, laundress, nurse, 
dining-room servant, in our household was a woman named 
Emily, and the most accomplished man-of-all-work, carpen- 
ter, coachman, 'possum-hunter, fisherman, story-teller, boy 
amuser, was Emily's brother, Andrew. They had been 
given to my father in his youth by my grandfather, and had 
attended him to college, working in the dining-room, to pay 
for his education. They were present at my father's wed- 
ding, and for twenty years remained members of the house- 
hold, exceedingly useful and skilful ; and, I may add, ex- 
ceedingly privileged characters. They far surpassed in 
efficiency and versatility any white laborers in the county. 
I remember, one Sunday, the family came home earlier than 
usual from church, there being no services on account of the 
illness of the minister. On entering his bed room my 
father beheld a strange and yet familiar looking Negro 
arrayed in dress-suit standing in front of the mirror, with 
arms akimbo, and swallow-tails of the coat switching from 
side to side in token of pride and satisfaction. It was 
Emily, arrayed in her master's best suit, enjoying a new 
sensation. No punishment was inflicted on her. Nor do I 
remember that any of my father's slaves were ever punished, 
except such switching as was given the children, on which 
occasions I was usually present, a most unwilling partici- 
pant and fellow- victim. 

When emancipation came at the close of the Civil "War, it 
was understood by the average Negro to mean freedom from 
labor. Freedom, leisure, idleness was now his greatest 
pleasure. How delightful it was to tell old master now that 
he had business in town and couldn't work to-day ; to leave 
the plow and hoe idle ; to meet other Negroes on the streets, 
to spend the day loafing, chatting, shouting, oftentimes 
drinking and dancing or quarreling and fighting. Sambo 
was now a gentleman of leisure, and he enjoyed it to the 
full. It was easy to live in the South. The mild climate 



Relation of the Whites to the Negroes 113 

and fertile soil, the abundance of game in forest and stream, 
the bountiful supply of wild fruits, the accessibility of forests 
with firewood free to all, the openhanded generosity and 
universal carelessness of living made it possible for the 
average Negro to idle away at least half his time and yet live 
in tolerable comfort. 

The national government, to guard against distress among 
the Negroes and to prevent oppression by the whites, neither 
of which was at all possible, now established throughout the 
South, for the distribution of food and clothing and the 
administration of justice between the races, the Freedman's 
Bureau. This institution was in every respect most unfortu- 
nate. The Negro ran awaj r from his old master's cornfield 
and his appeals to work in order to enjoy the free bounty of 
the federal government. I knew a Negro to walk one 
hundred miles in order to obtain half a bushel of corn meal 
from the bureau. In the time required he might have 
earned by labor four and a half bushels, or nine times what 
he got by begging. But the evils of idleness, although 
great, would soon have passed away, if the two races had 
been left alone. The Southern whites were familiar with 
and very tolerant of the Negro's weaknesses and petty vices. 
They looked upon him with sympathy and sorrow, with 
friendship and affection, rather than with anger, resentment, 
and hostility. They were anxious to see him go to work 
even more diligently than in slavery, acquire property, and 
improve his moral and physical condition. The races still 
remained very close together, in their daily lives, interests 
and affections. They might have worked out a future along 
lines far different from those they are now following. It 
was decreed otherwise by fate. 

The bestowal of political rights upon the Negro, the 
disfranchisement of almost every prominent white man in 
the South, the migration from the North of political carpet- 
baggers and their manipulation of the Negro vote, the Civil 
Rights Bill, the Force Bill, the zeal of educational and 



ii4 Annals of the American Academy 

religious missionaries, most of whom preached and practiced 
the social and civil equality of the races ; in short, the dark, 
dismal and awful night of Reconstruction, following swift 
upon the storm of Civil War with its unparalleled destruc- 
tion of life and property, now threatened the very founda- 
tions of civilization in all the Southern states. The bonds 
between the races were broken at last. The Negro did not 
endorse all the demands that were made in his behalf. He 
knew they were impossible. Still he was profoundly in- 
fluenced by them. In slavery he was like an animal in 
harness ; well trained, gentle and affectionate ; in early 
freedom the harness was off, but still the habit of obedience 
and the force of affection endured and prevented a run-away. 
In Reconstruction came a consciousness of being unhar- 
nessed, unhitched, unbridled and unrestrained. The wildest 
excesses followed. The machinery of government was 
seized in every Southern state by men recently slaves, now 
guided by political adventures. Southern halls of legislation, 
once glorified by the eloquence of Patrick Henry, the 
wisdom of Marshall, or the patriotism of Washington, now 
resounded with the drunken snoriugs or the unmeaning 
gibberish of Cuffee and Sambo. Negro strumpets in silks 
and satins led wild orgies at inaugural balls in marble halls 
that blushed and closed their eyes. "Uncle Tom" and 
"Aunt Susan " were now entirely vanished. The family 
cook now demanded to be known as Mrs. Jackson, and the 
chambermaid as Miss Marguerite. I know an unmarried 
Negress, about twenty-five years of age, the mother of three 
illegitimate children, who requires her own children to call 
her on all occasions, " Miss Mary." It was not a time for 
the learning of new trades by the emancipated race. It was 
not a time for new industries, or increased efficiency of labor. 
The Negro was intoxicated with the license of freedom ; the 
North was blinded by sentimentality and the passions of 
war ; the South was fighting for civilization and existence. 
It is all over now. I forbear to characterize it further. 



Relation of the Whites to the Negroes 115 

Some day the historian, the poet, the painter, the dramatist 
will picture Reconstruction, and will make the saddest 
picture in the annals of the English-speaking race. 

But Reconstruction is ended at last. For the first time 
since 1870 the National House of Representatives contains 
not a single Negro. 

For the first time in our history the American Negro is 
almost friendless. The North, tired of Negro politicians 
and Negro beggars, is beginning to say : " We have helped 
the Negro enough ; let him now help himself and work out 
his own salvation." The South, worn out with strife over 
the Negro and supporting with difficulty its awful burden of 
Negro ignorance, inefficiency and criminality, is beginning 
to ask whether the race is really capable of development, or 
is a curse and a hindrance in the way of Southern progress 
and civilization. 

The two races are drifting apart. They were closer 
together in slavery than they have been since. Old time 
sympathies, friendships and affections created by two 
centuries of slavery, are rapidly passing away. A single 
generation of freedom has almost destroyed them. Unless a 
change is made, coming generations will be separated by 
active hatred and hostility. The condition of the Negro is 
indeed pitiful ; and his prospects for the future are dark and 
gloomy. There is no solution of the problem, unless it is 
dealt with from the standpoint of reason and experience, 
without prejudice or fanaticism. 

The Negro is a child race. If isolated from the world and 
left to himself, he might slowly grow into manhood along 
separate lines and develop a Negro civilization ; but in the 
United States such isolation and such development are quite 
impossible. The Negro here is bound to be under the 
tutelage and control of the whites. No legal enactment, no 
political agitation, no scheme of education can alter this 
fact. It is better for the Negro that it should be so ; better 
that he should be dispersed among the white people, living 



n6 Annals of the American Academy 

with them and learning their ways, than to be deported to 
Africa, or segregated somewhere in America, to work out 
slowly a separate and distinct Negro civilization. 

The tutelage of the Negro is not yet complete. It lasted 
through six generations of slavery, directed by Southern 
whites. It has continued through one generation of freedom, 
directed by Northern whites, acting through Federal 
legislation, through Federal courts, through political, edu- 
cational and religious missionaries working among the 
Negroes in the Southern states. The folly and the futility 
of Northern tutelage is now fully demonstrated ; and the 
Negro is again under the tutelage of the South, to remain 
there until the race problem is finally settled. 

The real question is not one of tutelage versus self- 
development, but whether the necessary tutelage of the 
Negro under the white race shall be one of friendship and 
sympathy or one of prejudice and hostility. To such a 
question only one answer is possible. It would be a cruelty 
greater than slavery to leave this helpless race, this child 
race, to work out its own salvation in fierce and hostile 
competition with the strongest and best developed race on 
the globe. The Negro can expect no peculiar development. 
He must aim at white civilization ; and must reach it 
through the support, guidance and control of the white 
people among whom he lives. He must regain the active 
friendship and affection of the Southern whites. He will do 
so if let alone by the North. The South once liked him and 
loved him, and will do so again if he will permit and deserve 
it. The North, through force of arms and legal enactment, 
has given him physical freedom ; but moral and intellectual 
freedom must come through the help of the descendants of 
his former masters. If this help be not given, there is no 
hope for the race. Against the prejudice and passion, the 
neglect and oppression, the competition and hostility which 
will inevitably result from a continuance of the relations 
now existing between the two races in the South the Negro 



Relation of the Whites to the Negroes 117 

will be ground to powder. His progress depends absolutely 
upon the restoration of friendl}'- relations to the whites. 
Nor is this a matter of easy accomplishment. Two things 
are requisite ; 

1. The withdrawal of the Negro from politics. 

2. His increased efficiency as a laborer. 

The withdrawal of the Negro from politics is now being 
accomplished by legislation in the various Southern States. 
If this is interrupted by the North, and the old battle of 
Reconstruction fought again, the result will be the complete 
and final estrangement of the two races, with prejudice and 
hostility too intense to permit their living peaceably 
together. 

Greater industrial efficiency would prove an everlasting 
bond between the races in the South. It is the real key to. 
the problem, I,et the Negro make himself indispensable as 
a workman, and .he may rely upon the friendship and 
affection of the whites. But the best energies of the race 
since emancipation have been diverted from industrial fields, 
into politics, preaching and education. Until recently its. 
leaders have not regarded industrial effort as a means of 
progress. But public sentiment in the South still welcomes 
the Negro to every field of labor that he is capable of" 
performing. The whole field of industry is open to him. 
The Southern whites are not troubled by his efficiency 
but by his inefficiency. For a full generation the Negro has 
had opportunity to control every industry in the South. 
Had he devoted himself, upon emancipation, to manual 
labor and the purchase of land instead of to politics, religion 
and education, he would own to-day at least one-half the. 
soil of the Southern states. 

There is abundant room for Northern philanthropy in 
helping to uplift the Southern Negro. A Hampton Institute, 
or a Tuskegee, should be established in every congressional 
district. But this alone will not suffice. The Negro laborer, 
like the white laborer, needs the industrial training of his 



u8 Annals of the American Academy 

daily employer. He needs, daily and hourly, the sympathy, 
encouragement, instruction, admonition and restraint of his 
white employer. These are given to the white boy or girl ; 
and are received usually with willingness and profit. But 
such help is not given to the Negro ; nor is it desired. 
Negro children are less courteous to white people now than 
white children were to Negroes during slavery. 

The Negro race is a child race and must remain in tutelage 
for years to come ; in tutelage not of colleges and universi- 
ties, but of industrial schools, of skilled and efficient labor, 
of character building by honest work and honest dealing, of 
good habits and good manners, of respect for elders and 
superiors, of daily employment on the farm, in the house- 
hold, the shop, the forest, the factory and the mine. Slavery 
gave the Negro a better industrial training than he has 
to-day. Freedom has increased his zeal and his opportunity, 
but diminished his skill. The door of his opportunity will 
not always be open. He must enter now. If he do not, 
he will remain for a while among the races of the earth a 
dull and stupid draught animal ; and finally will pass away, 
incompetent. But, with the help of the white race he may 
obtain opportunity to develop his powers, he may subdue 
his animal passions and cultivate his gentler emotions, may 
train his physical strength into skill and power, may grow 
from childhood into mature manhood ; and in the providence 
of God may yet add strength to the civilization of a people, 
who, through the tutelage of slavery, with sorrow and tears, 
with labor and anguish, with hope and charity brought 
him from barbarism to civilization, from heathenism to 
christianitv. 



THE RELATION OF THE NEGROES TO 
THE WHITES IN THE SOUTH. BY 
PROFESSOR W. E. BURGHARDT DU 
BOIS, PH.D., ATLANTA UNIVERSITY 



(119) 



THE RELATION OF THE NEGROES TO THE 
WHITES IN THE SOUTH. 

By Professor W. E. Burghardt DuBois, Ph. D., 

Atlanta University. 

In the discussion of great social problems it is extremely 
difficult for those who are themselves actors in the drama to 
avoid the attitude of partisans and advocates. And yet I 
take it that the examination of the most serious of the race 
problems of America is not in the nature of a debate but 
rather a joint endeavor to seek the truth beneath a mass of 
assertion and opinion, of passion and distress. And I trust 
that whatever disagreement may arise between those who 
view the situation from opposite sides of the color line will 
be rather in the nature of additional information than of 
contradiction. 

The world-old phenomenon of the contact of diverse races 
of men is to have new exemplification during the new 
century. Indeed the characteristic of the age is the contact 
of European civilization with the world's undeveloped 
peoples. Whatever we may say of the results of such 
contact in the past, it certainly forms a chapter in human 
action not pleasant to look back upon. War, murder, 
slavery, extermination and debauchery — this has again and 
again been the result of carrying civilization and the blessed 
gospel to the isles of the sea and the heathen without the 
law. Nor does it altogether satisfy the conscience of the 
modern world to be told complacently that all this has been 
right and proper, the fated triumph of strength over weak- 
ness, of righteousness over evil, of superiors over inferiors. 
It would certainly be soothing if one could readily believe 
all this, and yet there are too many ugly facts, for everything 
to be thus easily explained away. We feel and know that 
there are many delicate differences in race psychology, 

(121) 



122 Annans of the American Academy 

numberless changes which our crude social measurements 
are not yet able to follow minutely, which explain much of 
history and social development. At the same time, too, 
we know that these considerations have never adequately ex- 
plained or excused the triumph of brute force and cunning 
over weakness and innocence. 

I It is then the strife of all honorable men of the twentieth 
century to see that in the future competition of races, the 
survival of the fittest shall mean the triumph of the good, 
the beautiful and the true ; that we may be able to preserve 
for future civilization all that is really fine and noble and 
strong, and not continue to put a premium on greed and 
impudence and cruelty. To bring this hope to fruition we 
are compelled daily to turn more and more to a conscientious 
study of the phenomena of race contact — to a study frank 
and fair, and not falsified and colored by our wishes or our 
fears. And we have here in the South as fine a field for 
such a study as the world affords : a field to be sure which 
the average American scientist deems somewhat beneath his 
dignity, and which the average man who is not a scientist 
knows all about, but nevertheless a line of study which by 
reason of the enormous race complications, with which God 
seems about to punish this nation, must increasingly claim 
our sober attention, study and thought. We must ask : 
What are the actual relations of whites and blacks in the 
South, and we must be answered not by apology or fault- 
finding, but by a plain, unvarnished tale. 

In the civilized life of to-day the contact of men and their 
relations to each other fall in a few main lines of action and 
communication : there is first the physical proximity of 
homes and dwelling places, the way in which neighborhoods 
group themselves, and the contiguity of neighborhoods. 
Secondly, and in our age chiefest, there are the economic 
relations — the methods by which individuals co-operate for 
earning a living, for the mutual satisfaction of wants, for 
the production of wealth. Next there are the political 



Relation of the Negroes to the Whites 123 

relations, the co-operation in social control, in group gov- 
ernment, in laying and paying the burden of taxation. In 
the fourth place there are the less tangible but highly 
important forms of intellectual contact and commerce, the 
interchange of ideas through conversation and conference, 
through periodicals and libraries, and above all the gradual 
formation for each community of that curious tertium quid 
which we call public opinion. Closely allied with this come 
the various forms of social contact in every-day life, in 
travel, in theatres, in house gatherings, in marrying and 
giving in marriage. Finally, there are the varying forms of 
religious enterprise, of moral teaching and benevolent en- 
deavor. 

These are the principal ways in which men living in the 
same communities are brought into contact with each other. 
It is my task this afternoon, therefore, to point out from my 
point of view how the black race in the South meets and 
mingles with the whites, in these matters of every-day life. 

First as to physical dwelling, it is usually possible, as most 
of you know, to draw in nearly every Southern community 
a physical color line on the map, to the one side of which 
whites dwell and the other Negroes. The winding and intri- 
cacy of the geographical color line varies of course in differ- 
ent communities. I know some towns where a straight line 
drawn through the middle of the main street separates nine- 
tenths of the whites from nine-tenths of the blacks. In other 
towns the older settlement of whites has been encircled by a 
broad band of blacks ; in still other cases little settlements 
or nuclei of blacks have sprung up amid surrounding whites. 
Usually in cities each street has its distinctive color, and 
only now and then do the colors meet in close proximity. 
Even in the country something of this segregation is mani- 
fest in the smaller areas, and of course in the larger phe- 
nomena of the black belt. 

All this segregation by color is largely independent of that 
natural clustering by social grades common to all commu- 



124 Annals of the American Academy 

nities. A Negro slum may be in dangerous proximuy to a 
white residence quarter, while it is quite common to find a 
white slum planted in the heart of a respectable Negro dis- 
trict. One thing, however, seldom occurs : the best of the 
whites and the best of the negroes almost never live in any- 
thing like close proximity. It thus happens that in nearly 
every Southern town and city, both whites and blacks see 
commonly the worst of each other. This is a vast change 
from the situation in the past when through the close contact 
of master and house-servant in the patriarchal big house, 
one found the best of both races in close contact and sympa- 
thy, while at the same time the squalor and dull round 
of toil among the field hands was removed from the sight 
and hearing of the family. One can easily see how a person 
who saw slavery thus from his father's parlors and sees free- 
dom on the streets of a great city fails to grasp or compre- 
hend the whole of the new picture. On the other hand the 
settled belief of the mass of the Negroes that the Southern 
white people do not have the black man's best interests at 
heart has been intensified in later years by this continual 
daily contact of the better class of blacks with the worst rep- 
resentatives of the white race. 

Coming now to the economic relations of the races we are 
on ground made familiar by study, much discussion and no 
little philanthropic effort. And yet with all this there are 
many essential elements in the co-operation of Negroes and 
whites for work and wealth, that are too readily overlooked 
or not thoroughly understood. The average American can 
easily conceive of a rich land awaiting development and 
filled with black laborers. To him the Southern problem is 
simply that of making efficient workingmen out of this ma- 
terial by giving them the requisite technical skill and the 
help of invested capital. The problem, however, is by no 
means as simple as this, from the obvious fact that these 
workingmen have been trained for centuries as slaves. They 
exhibit, therefore, all the advantages and defects of such 



Relation of the Negroes to the Whites 125 

training ; they are willing and good-natured, but not self- 
reliant, provident or careful. If now the economic develop- 
ment of the South is to be pushed to the verge of exploitation, 
as seems probable, then you have a mass of workingmen 
thrown into relentless competition with the workingmen of 
the world but handicapped by a training the very opposite 
to that of the modern self-reliant democratic laborer. What 
the black laborer needs is careful personal guidance, group 
leadership of men with hearts in their bosoms, to train them 
to foresight, carefulness and honesty. Nor does it require any 
fine-spun theories of racial differences to prove the necessity 
of such group training after the brains of the race have been 
knocked out by two hundred and fifty years of assiduous edu- > 
cation in submission, carelessness and stealing. After eman- 
cipation it was the plain duty of some one to assume this group 
leadership and training of the Negro laborer. I will not stop 
here to inquire whose duty it was — whether that of the white 
ex-master who had profited by unpaid toil, or the Northern 
philanthropist whose persistence brought the crisis, or of the 
National Government whose edict freed the bondsmen — I will 
not stop to ask whose duty it was, but I insist it was the duty 
of some one to see that these workingmen were not left alone 
and unguided without capital, landless, without skill, with- 
out economic organization, without even the bald protection 
of law, order and decency ; left in a great land not to settle 
down to slow and careful internal development, but destined 
to be thrown almost immediately into relentless, sharp com- 
petition with the best of modern workingmen under an eco- 
nomic system where every participant is fighting for himself, 
and too often utterly regardless of the rights or welfare of his 
neighbor. 

For we must never forget that the economic system of the 
South to-day which has succeeded the old regime is not the 
same system as that of the old industrial North, of England 
or of France with their trades unions, their restrictive laws, 
their written and unwritten commercial customs and their 



126 Annals of the American Academy 

long experience. It is rather a copy of that England of the 
early nineteenth century, before the factory acts, the England 
that wrung pity from thinkers and fired the wrath of Carlyle. 
The rod of empire that passed from the hands of Southern 
gentlemen in 1865, partly by force, partly by their own 
petulance, has never returned to them. Rather it has 
passed to those men who have come to take charge of the 
industrial exploitation of the New South — the sons of poor 
whites fired with a new thirst for wealth and power, thrifty 
and avaricious Yankees, shrewd and unscrupulous Jews. 
Into the hands of these men the Southern laborers, white 
and black, have fallen, and this to their sorrow. For the 
laborers as such there is in these new captains of industry 
neither love nor hate, neither sympathy nor romance — it is 
a cold question of dollars and dividends. Under such a 
system all labor is bound to suffer. Even the white laborers 
are not yet intelligent, thrifty and well trained enough to 
maintain themselves against the powerful inroads of organ- 
ized capital. The result among them even, is long hours of 
toil, low wages, child labor, and lack of protection against 
usury and cheating. But among the black laborers all this 
is aggravated, first, by a race prejudice which varies from a 
doubt and distrust among the best element of whites to a 
frenzied hatred among the worst ; and, secondly, it is aggra- 
vated, as I have said before, by the wretched economic 
heritage of the freedmen from slavery. With this training 
it is difficult for the freedman to learn to grasp the oppor- 
tunities already opened to him, and the new opportunities 
are seldom given him but go by favor to the whites. 

Left by the best elements of the South with little protection 
or oversight, he has been made in law and custom the victim 
of the worst and most unscrupulous men in each community. 
The crop-lien system which is depopulating the fields 
of the South is not simply the result of shiftlessness on 
the part of Negroes but is also the result of cunningly 
devised laws as to mortgages, liens and misdemeanors which 



Relation of the Negroes to the Whites 127 

can be made by conscienceless men to entrap and snare 
the unwary until escape is impossible, further toil a farce, 
and protest a crime. I have seen in the black belt of 
Georgia an ignorant, honest Negro buy and pay for a farm in 
installments three separate times, and then in the face of law 
and decency the enterprising Russian Jew who sold it to 
him pocketed money and deed and left the black man land- 
less, to labor on his own land at thirty cents a day. I have 
seen a black farmer fall in debt to a white storekeeper and 
that storekeeper go to his farm and strip it of every single 
marketable article — mules, plows, stored crops, tools, furni- 
ture, bedding, clocks, looking-glass, and all this without 
a warrant, without process of law, without a sheriff or 
officer, in the face of the law for homestead exemptions, 
and without rendering to a single responsible person any 
account or reckoning. And such proceedings can happen 
and will happen in any community where a class of igno- 
rant toilers are placed by custom and race prejudice beyond 
the pale of sympathy and race brotherhood. So long as the 
best elements of a community do not feel in duty bound to 
protect and train and care for the weaker members of their 
group they leave them to be preyed upon by these swindlers 
and rascals. y . 

This unfortunate economic situation does not mean the 
hindrance of all advance in the black south, or the absence 
of a class of black landlords and mechanics who, in spite 
of disadvantages, are accumulating property and making 
good citizens. But it does mean that this class is not 
nearly so large as a fairer economic system might easily 
make it, that those who survive in the competition are 
handicapped so as to accomplish much less than they 
deserve to, and that above all, the personnel of the success- 
ful class is left to chance and accident, and not to any 
intelligent culling or reasonable methods of selection. As a 
remedy for this, there is but one possible procedure. We 
must accept some of the race prejudice in the South as a 



128 Annals of the American Academy 

fact — deplorable in its intensity, unfortunate in results, and 
dangerous for the future, but nevertheless a hard fact which 
only time can efface. We cannot hope then in this genera- 
tion, or for several generations, that the mass of the whites 
can be brought to assume that close sympathetic and self- 
sacrificing leadership of the blacks which their present 
situation so eloquently demands. Such leadership, such 
social teaching and example, must come from the blacks 
themselves. For sometime men doubted as to whether 
the Negro could develop such leaders, but to-day no one 
seriously disputes the capability of individual Negroes 
to assimilate the culture and common sense of modern 
civilization, and to pass it on to some extent, at least, to 
their fellows. If this be true, then here is the path out of 
the economic situation, and here is the imperative demand 
for trained Negro leaders of character and intelligence, men 
of skill, men of light and leading, college-bred men, black 
captains of industry and missionaries of culture. Men who 
thoroughly comprehend and know modern civilization and 
can take hold of Negro communities and raise and train 
them by force of precept and example, deep sympathy and 
the inspiration of common blood and ideals. But if such 
men are to be effective they must have some power — they 
must be backed by the best public opinion of these com- 
munities, and able to wield for their objects and aims such 
weapons as the experience of the world has taught are 
indispensable to human progress, 

Of such weapons the greatest, perhaps, in the modern 
world is the power of the ballot, and this brings me to a 
consideration of the third form of contact between whites 
and blacks in the South — political activity. 

In the attitude of the American mind toward Negro suff- 
rage, can be traced with singular accuracy the prevalent 
conceptions of government. In the sixties we were near 
enough the echoes of the French Revolution to believe 
pretty thoroughly in universal suffrage. We argued, as we 



Relation of the Negroes to the Whites 129 

thought then rather logically, that no social class was so 
good, so true and so disinterested as to be trusted wholly 
with the political destiny of their neighbors ; that in every 
state the best arbiters of their own welfare are the persons 
directly affected, consequently it is only by arming every 
hand with a ballot — with the right to have a voice in the 
policy of the state — that the greatest good to the greatest 
number could be attained. To be sure there were objections 
to these arguments, but we thought we had answered them 
tersely and convincingly ; if some one complained of the 
ignorance of voters, we answered : " Educate them." If 
another complained of their venality we replied : ' ' Dis- 
franchise them or put them in jail." And finally to the 
men who feared demagogues and the natural perversity of 
some human beings, we insisted that time and bitter experi- 
ence would teach the most hardheaded. It was at this time 
that the question of Negro suffrage in the South was raised. 
Here was a defenseless people suddenly made free. How 
were they to be protected from those who did not believe in 
their freedom and were determined to thwart it ? Not by 
force, said the North ; not by government guardianship, said 
the South ; then by the ballot, the sole and legitimate 
defense of a free people, said the Common Sense of the 
nation. No one thought at the time that the ex-slaves 
could use the ballot intelligently or very effectively, but 
they did think that the possession of so great power, by a 
great class in the nation would compel their fellows to edu- 
cate this class to its intelligent use. 

Meantime new thoughts came to the nation : the inevitable 
period of moral retrogression and political trickery that ever 
follows in the wake of war overtook us. So flagrant became 
the political scandals that reputable men began to leave 
politics alone, and politics consequently became disreputable. 
Men began to pride themselves on having nothing to do 
with their own government and to agree tacitly with those 
who regarded public office as a private perquisite. In this 



130 Annals of the American Academy 

state of mind it became easy to wink at the suppression of 
the Negro vote in the South, and to advise self-respecting 
Negroes to leave politics entirely alone. The decent and 
reputable citizens of the North who neglected their own civic 
duties grew hilarious over the exaggerated importance with 
which the Negro regarded the franchise. Thus it easily 
happened that more and more the better class of Negroes 
followed the advice from abroad and the pressure from home 
and took no further interest in politics, leaving to the careless 
and the venal of their race the exercise of their rights as 
voters. This black vote which still remained was not 
trained and educated but further debauched by open and 
unblushing bribery, or force and fraud, until the Negro voter 
was thoroughly inoculated with the idea that politics was 
a method of private gain by disreputable means. 

And finally, now, to-day, when we are awakening to the 
fact that the perpetuity of republican institutions on this 
continent depends on the purification of the ballot, the civic 
training of voters, and the raising of voting to the plane of 
a solemn duty which a patriotic citizen neglects to his peril 
and to the peril of his children's children — in this day when 
we are striving for a renaissance of civic virtue, what are we 
going to say to the black voter of the South ? Are we 
going to tell him still that politics is a disreputable and 
useless form of human activity ? Are we going to induce 
the best class of Negroes to take less and less interest in 
government and give up their right to take such an 
interest without a protest ? I am not saying a word against 
all legitimate efforts to purge the ballot of ignorance, pauper- 
ism and crime. But few have pretended that the present 
movement for disfranchisement in the South is for such a 
purpose ; it has been plainly and frankly declared in nearly 
every case that the object of the disfranchising laws is the 
elimination of the black man from politics. 

Now is this a minor matter which has no influence on the 
main question of the industrial and intellectual development 



Relation of the Negroes to the Whites 131 

of the Negro ? Can we establish a mass of black laborers, 
artisans and landholders in the South who by law and 
public opinion have absolutely no voice in shaping the laws 
under which they live and work. Can the modern organiza- 
tion of industry, assuming as it does free democratic govern- 
ment and the power and ability of the laboring classes to 
compel respect for their welfare — can this system be carried 
out in the South when half its laboring force is voiceless in 
the public councils and powerless in its own defense ? To-day 
the black man of the South has almost nothing to say as to 
how much he shall be taxed, or how those taxes shall be ex- 
pended ; as to who shall execute the laws and how they shall 
do it ; as to who shall make the laws and how they shall be 
made. It is pitiable that frantic efforts must be made at 
critical times to get lawmakers in some states even to listen 
to the respectful presentation of the black side of a current 
controversy. Daily the Negro is coming more and more to 
look upon law and justice not as protecting safeguards but 
as sources of humiliation and oppression. The laws are 
made by men who as yet have little interest in him ; they 
are executed by men who have absolutely no motive for 
treating the black people with courtesy or consideration, and 
finally the accused lawbreaker is tried not by his peers 
but too often by men who would rather punish ten innocent 
Negroes than let one guilty one escape. 

I should be the last one to deny the patent weaknesses 
and shortcomings of the Negro people ; I should be the last 
to withhold sympathy from the white South in its efforts to 
solve its intricate social problems. I freely acknowledge 
that it is possible and sometimes best that a partially unde- 
veloped people should be ruled by the best of their stronger 
and better neighbors for their own good, until such time as 
they can start and fight the world's battles alone. I have 
already pointed out how sorely in need of such economic and 
spiritual guidance the emancipated Negro was, and I am 
quite willing to admit that if the representatives of the 



132 Annals of the American Academy 

best white southern public opinion were the ruling and 
guiding powers in the South to-day that the conditions 
indicated would be fairly well fulfilled. But the point I have 
insisted upon and now emphasize again is that the best 
opinion of the South to-day is not the ruling opinion. That 
to leave the Negro helpless and without a ballot to-day is to 
leave him not to the guidance of the best but rather to the 
exploitation and debauchment of the worst ; that this is 
no truer of the South than of the North — of the North than 
of Europe — in any land, in any country under modern free 
competition, to lay any class of weak and despised people, be 
they white, black or blue, at the political mercy of their 
stronger, richer and more resourceful fellows is a temptation 
which human nature seldom has and seldom will withstand. 
Moreover the political status of the Negro in the South is 
closely connected with the question of Negro crime. There 
can be no doubt that crime among Negroes has greatly in- 
creased in the last twenty years and that there has appeared in 
the slums of great cities a distinct criminal class among the 
blacks. In explaining this unfortunate developement we 
must note two things, ( 1 ) that the inevitable result of eman- 
cipation was to increase crime and criminals, and (2) that the 
police system of the South was primarily designed to control 
slaves. As to the first point we must not forget that under 
a strict slave regime there can scarcely be such a thing as 
crime. But when these variously constituted human particles 
are suddenly thrown broadcast on the sea of life, some swim, 
some sink, and some hang suspended, to be forced up or down 
by the chance currents of a busy hurrying world. So great an 
economic and social revolution as swept the South in '63 
meant a weeding out among the Negroes of the incompetents 
and vicious — the beginning of a differentiation of social 
grades. Now a rising group of people are not lifted bodily 
from the ground like an inert solid mass, but rather stretch 
upward like a living plant with its roots still clinging in the 
mold. The appearance, therefore, of the Negro criminal was 



Relation of the Negroes to the Whites 133 

a phenomenon to be awaited, and while it causes anxiety it 
should not occasion surprise. 

Here again the hope for the future depended peculiarly 
on careful and delicate dealing with these criminals. Their 
offenses at first were those of laziness, carelessness and 
impulse rather than of malignity or ungoverned viciousness. 
Such misdemeanors needed discriminating treatment, firm 
but reformatory, with no hint of injustice and full proof of 
guilt. For such dealing with criminals, white or black, the 
South had no machinery, no adequate jails or reformatories 
and a police system arranged to deal with blacks alone, and 
which tacitly assumed that every white man was ipso facto a 
member of that police. Thus grew up a double system of 
justice which erred on the white side by undue leniency and 
the practical immunity of red-handed criminals, and erred on 
the black side by undue severity, injustice and lack of dis- 
crimination. For, as I have said, the police system of the 
South was originally designed to keep track of all Negroes, 
not simply of criminals, and when the Negroes were freed 
and the whole South was convinced of the impossibility of 
free Negro labor, the first and almost universal device was to 
use the courts as a means of re-enslaving the blacks. It was 
not then a question of crime but rather of color that settled a 
man's conviction on almost any charge. Thus Negroes 
came to look upon courts as instruments of injustice and 
oppression, and upon those convicted in them as martyrs 
and victims. 

When now the real Negro criminal appeared and, instead 
of petty stealing and vagrancy, we began to have highway 
robbery, burglary, murder and rape, it had a curious effect 
on both sides the color line ; the Negroes refused to believe 
the evidence of white witnesses or the fairness of white juries, 
so that the greatest deterrent to crime, the public opinion 
of one's own social caste was lost and the criminal still looked 
upon as crucified rather than hanged. On the other hand 
the whites, used to being careless as to the guilt or inno- 



134 Annans of the American Academy 

cence of accused Negroes, were swept in moments of passion 
beyond law, reason and decency. Such a situation is bound 
to increase crime and has increased it. To natural vicious- 
ness and vagrancy is being daily added motives of revolt 
and revenge which stir up all the latent savagery of both 
races and make peaceful attention to economic development 
often impossible. 

But the chief problem in any community cursed with 
crime is not the punishment of the criminals but the pre- 
venting of the young from being trained to crime. And 
here again the peculiar conditions of the South have pre- 
vented proper precautions. I have seen twelve- year-old 
boys working in chains on the public streets of Atlanta, di- 
rectly in front of the schools, in company with old and hard- 
ened criminals ; and this indiscriminate mingling of men, 
women and children makes the chain-gangs perfect schools 
of crime and debauchery, The struggle for reformatories 
which has gone on in Virginia, Georgia and other states is 
the one encouraging sign of the awakening of some commu- 
nities to the suicidal results of this policy. 

It is the public schools, however, which can be made out- 
side the homes the greatest means of training decent self- 
respecting citizens. We have been so hotly engaged recently 
in discussing trade schools and the higher education that the 
pitiable plight of the public school system in the South has 
almost dropped from view. Of every five dollars spent for 
public education in the State of Georgia the white schools 
get four dollars and the Negro one dollar, and even then the 
white public school system, save in the cities, is bad and cries 
for reform. If this be true of the whites, what of the blacks ? 
I am becoming more and more convinced as I look upon the 
system of common school training in the South that the 
national government must soon step in and aid popiilar edu- 
cation in some way. To-day it has been only by the most 
strenuous efforts on the part of the thinking men of the South 
that the Negro's share of the school fund has not been cut 



Relation of the Negroes to the Whites 135 

down to a pittance in some half dozen states, and that move- 
ment not only is not dead but in many communities is gain- 
ing strength. What in the name of reason does this nation 
expect of a people poorly trained and hard pressed in severe 
economic competition, without political rights and with 
ludicrously inadequate common school facilities ? What can 
it expect but crime and listlessness, offset here and there 
by the dogged struggles of the fortunate and more deter- 
mined who are themselves buoyed by the hope that in due 
time the country will come to its senses ? 

I have thus far sought to make clear the physical eco- 
nomic and political relations of the Negroes and whites in 
the South as I have conceived them, including for the rea- 
sons set forth, crime and education. But after all that has 
been said on these more tangible matters of human contact 
there still remains a part essential to a proper description of 
the South which it is difficult to describe or fix in terms easily 
understood by" strangers. It is, in fine, the atmosphere of 
the land, the thought and feeling, the thousand and one little 
actions which go to make up life. In any community or 
nation it is these little things which are most elusive to the 
grasp and yet most essential to any clear conception of the 
group life, taken as a whole. What is thus true of all com- 
munities is peculiarly true of the South where, outside of 
written history and outside of printed law, there has been 
going on for a generation, as deep a storm and stress of hu- 
man souls, as intense a ferment of feeling, as intricate a 
writhing of spirit as ever a people experienced. Within and 
without the sombre veil of color, vast social forces have been 
at work, efforts for human betterment, movements toward 
disintegration and despair, tragedies and comedies in social 
and economic life, and a swaying and lifting and sinking of 
human hearts which have made this land a land of mingled 
sorrow and joy, of change and excitement. 

The centre of this spiritual turmoil has ever been the 
millions of black freedmen and their sons, whose destiny is 



136 Annals of the American Academy 

so fatefully bound up with that of the nation. And yet the 
casual observer visiting the South sees at first little of this. 
He notes the growing frequency of dark faces as he rides on, 
but otherwise the days slip lazily on, the sun shines and this 
little world seems as happy and contented as other worlds he 
has visited. Indeed, on the question of questions, the Negro 
problem, he hears so little that there almost seems to be a 
conspiracy of silence ; the morning papers seldom mention 
it, and then usually in a far-fetched academic way, and 
indeed almost every one seems to forget and ignore the 
darker half of the land, until the astonished visitor is 
inclined to ask if after all there is any problem here. But 
if he lingers long enough there comes the awakening : per- 
haps in a sudden whirl of passion which leaves him gasping 
at its bitter intensity ; more likely in a gradually dawning 
sense of things he had not at first noticed. Slowly but 
surely his eyes begin to catch the shadows of the color line; 
here he meets crowds of Negroes and whites ; then he is 
suddenly aware that he cannot discover a single dark face ; 
or again at the close of a day's wandering he may find 
himself in some strange assembly, where all faces are tinged 
brown or black, and where he has the vague uncomfortable 
feeling of the stranger. He realizes at last that silently, 
resistlessly, the world about flows by him in two great 
streams. They ripple on in the same sunshine, they ap- 
proach here and mingle their waters in seeming carelessness, 
the}' divide then and flow wide apart. It is done quietly, no 
mistakes are made, or if one occurs the swift arm of the law 
and public opinion swings down for a moment, as when the 
other day a black man and a white woman were arrested for 
talking together on Whitehall street, in Atlanta. 

Now if one notices carefully one will see that between 
these two worlds, despite much physical contact and daily 
intermingling, there is almost no community of intellectual 
life or points of transference where the thoughts and feelings 
of one race can come with direct contact and sympathy with 



Relation of the Negroes to the Whites 137 

the thoughts and feelings of the other. Before and directly 
after the war when all the best of the Negroes were domestic 
servants in the best of the white families, there were bonds 
of intimacy, affection, and sometimes blood relationship 
between the races. They lived in the same home, shared in 
the family life, attended the same church often and talked 
and conversed with each other. But the increasing civiliza- 
tion of of the Negro since has naturally meant the develop- 
ment of higher classes : there are increasing numbers of 
ministers, teachers, physicians, merchants, mechanics and 
independent farmers, who by nature and training are the 
aristocracy and leaders of the blacks. Between them, how- 
ever, and the best element of the whites, there is little or no 
intellectual commerce. They go to separate churches, they 
live in separate sections, they are strictly separated in all 
public gatherings, they travel separately, and they are 
beginning to read different papers and books. To most 
libraries, lectures, concerts and museums Negroes are either 
not admitted at all or on terms peculiarly galling to the pride 
of the very classes who might otherwise be attracted. The 
daily paper chronicles the doings of the black world from 
afar with no great regard for accuracy; and so on throughout 
the category of means for intellectual communication; schools, 
conferences, efforts for social betterment and the like, it is 
usually true that the very representatives of the two races 
who for mutual benefit and the welfare of the land ought to 
be in complete understanding and sympathy are so far 
strangers that one side thinks all whites are narrow and 
prejudiced and the other thinks educated Negroes dangerous 
and insolent. Moreover, in a land where the tyranny of 
public opinion and the intolerence of criticism is for obvious 
historical reasons so strong as in the South, such a situation 
is extremely difficult to correct. The white man as well as 
the Negro is bound and tied by the color line and many a 
scheme of friendliness and philanthropy, of broad-minded 
sympathy, and generous fellowship between the two has 



138 Annals of the American Academy 

dropped still-born because some busy-body has forced the 
color question to the front and brought the tremendous force 
of unwritten law against the innovators. 

It is hardly necessary for me to add to this very much in 
regard to the social contact between the races. Nothing has 
come to replace that finer sympathy and love between some 
masters and house servants, which the radical and more 
uncompromising drawing of the color line in recent years 
has caused almost completely to disappear. In a world 
where it means so much to take a man by the hand and sit 
beside him ; to look frankly into his eyes and feel his heart 
beating with red blood — in a world where a social cigar or a 
cup of tea together means more than legislative halls and 
magazine articles and speeches, one can imagine the con- 
sequences of the almost utter absence of such social ameni- 
ties between estranged races, whose separation extends even 
to parks and street cars. 

Here there can be none of that social going down to the 
people ; the opening of heart and hand of the best to the 
worst, in generous acknowledgment of a common humanity 
and a common destiny. On the other hand, in matters of 
simple almsgiving, where there be no question of social 
contact, and in the succor of the aged and sick, the South, 
as if stirred by a feeling of its unfortunate limitations, is 
generous to a fault. The black beggar is never turned 
away without a good deal more than a crust, and a call for 
help for the unfortunate meets quick response. I remember, 
one cold winter, in Atlanta, when I refrained from con- 
tributing to a public relief fund lest Negroes should be 
discriminated against ; I afterward inquired of a friend : 
"Were any black people receiving aid?" "Why," said 
he, " they were all black." 

And yet this does not touch the kernel of the problem. 
Human advancement is not a mere question of almsgiving, 
but rather of sympathy and co-operation among classes who 
would scorn charity. And here is a land where, in the 
higher walks of life, in all the higher striving for the good 



Relation of the Negroes to the Whites 139 

and noble and true, the color line conies to separate natural 
friends and co-workers, while at the bottom of the social 
group in the saloon, the gambling hell and the bawdy-house 
that same line wavers and disappears. 



I have sought to paint an average picture of real relations 
between the races in the South. I have not glossed over 
matters for policy's sake, for I fear we have already gone too 
far in that sort of thing. On the other hand I have sincerely 
sought to let no unfair exaggerations creep in. I do not 
doubt but that in some Southern communities conditions are 
far better than those I have indicated. On the other hand, 
I am certain that in other communities they are far worse. 

Nor does the paradox and danger of this situation fail to 
interest and perplex the best conscience of the South. 
Deeply religious and intensely democratic as are the mass of 
the whites, they feel acutely the false position in which the 
Negro problems place them. Such an essentially honest- 
hearted and generous people cannot cite the caste-leveling 
precepts of Christianity, or believe in equality of opportunity 
for all men, without coming to feel more and more with each 
generation that the present drawing of the color line is a flat 
contradiction to their beliefs and professions. But just as 
often as they come to this point the present social condition 
of the Negro stands as a menace and a portent before even 
the most open-minded : if there were nothing to charge 
against the Negro but his blackness or other physical 
peculiarities, they argue, the problem would be compar- 
atively simple ; but what can we say to his ignorance, 
shiftlessness, poverty and crime : can a self-respecting group 
hold anything but the least possible fellowship with such 
persons and survive ? and shall we let a mawkish sentiment 
sweep away the culture of our fathers or the hope of our 
children ? The argument so put is of great strength but it 
is not a whit stronger than the argument of thinking 
Negroes ; granted, they reply, that the condition of our 
masses is bad, there is certainly on the one hand adequate 



140 Annans of the; American Academy. 

historical cause for this, and unmistakable evidence that no 
small number have, in spite of tremendous disadvantages, 
risen to the level of American civilization. And when by 
proscription and prejudice, these same' Negroes are classed 
with, and treated like the lowest of their people simply 
because they are Negroes, such a policy not only discourages 
thrift and intelligence among black men, but puts a direct 
premium on the very things you complain of — inefficiency 
and crime. Draw lines of crime, of incompetency, of 
vice as tightly and uncompromisingly as you will, for these 
things must be proscribed, but a color line not only does not 
accomplish this purpose, but thwarts it. 

In the face of two such arguments, the future of the 
South depends on the ability of the representatives of these 
opposing views to see and appreciate, and sympathize with 
each other's position ; for the Negro to realize more deeply 
than he does at present the need of uplifting the masses of 
his people, for the white people to realize more vividly than 
they have yet done the deadening and disastrous effect of a 
color prejudice that classes Paul L,awrence Dunbar and Sam 
Hose in the same despised class. 

It is not enough for the Negroes to declare that color 
prejudice is the sole cause of their social condition, nor for 
the white South to reply that their social condition is the 
main cause of prejudice. They both act as reciprocal cause 
and effect and a change in neither alo?ie will bring the desired 
effect. Both must change or neither can improve to any great 
extent. The Negro cannot stand the present reactionary 
tendencies and unreasoning drawing of the color line much 
longer without discouragement and retrogression. And the 
condition of the Negro is ever the excuse for further 
discrimination. Only by a union of intelligence and sym- 
pathy across the color line in this critical period of the 
Republic shall justice and right triumph, and 

•• Mind and heart according well, 
Shall make one music as before, 
But vaster. ' ' 



PART IV: THE RACES 
OF THE WEST INDIES 



(141) 



OUR RELATION TO THE PEOPLE OF 
CUBA AND PORTO RICO. BY HON. 
ORVILLE H. PLATT, UNITED STATES 
SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT 



(143) 



OUR RELATION TO THE PEOPLE OF CUBA AND 
PORTO RICO. 

By Hon. Orviixe H. Platt, 

United States Senator from Connecticut. 

We have undertaken the solution of a very difficult 
problem in Cuba. When we went to war with Spain we 
declared that the people of Cuba ought to be free and inde- 
pendent, and we therefore disclaimed any purpose to acquire 
the island, and promised that when its pacification should 
be accomplished we would leave it to its people. To this 
declaration and promise we are solemnly pledged as a 
nation. Reduced to its simplest terms our pledge is this : 
that the United States becomes responsible for the establish- 
ment and orderly continuance of republican government in 
Cuba. If, as some seem to suppose, the full performance of 
our obligation only requires us to see that a so-called 
republic is organized there, the task is comparatively easy, 
but if we are also bound to provide for the orderly continu- 
ance of a genuine republic it is by no means easy. 
That the latter duty is as imperative as the former, can 
scarcely be questioned. Indeed, it seems to be questioned 
only in a technical way. Certain self-constituted and viru- 
lent critics try to maintain that our promise to leave the 
island to its people as soon as it should be pacified meant 
that when we should have driven out Spain we would 
ourselves retire and have nothing further to do with its 
affairs, either by way of guiding the Cubans in the establish- 
ment of their government, or assisting them to maintain 
their independence. 

In other words, it seems to be supposed by these carping 
people that the United States has no interests to protect in 
the Island of Cuba and that no matter what its people may 
do, we are only to look on. But even these critics admit 

(i45) 



146 Annaes of the American Academy 

that if conditions under the new government shall become 
intolerable, intervention will again be justifiable and imper- 
ative. They would have us at once terminate our military 
occupation leaving the future uncared for with the expecta- 
tion that, should troubles arise there, either by reason of for- 
eign demands or internal disorders, by which our interests 
are imperiled, we will return in force to set matters right 
again. It seems scarcely possible that such a policy should 
find advocates in any quarter. Unless we provide now for 
continued independence and peace in the Island of Cuba there 
is no way in which they can be assured unless, in case the 
necessity arises, we declare war and enter upon the business 
of subjugating and annexing it. It must be seen by all 
who have the real welfare of our country at heart that our 
only true policy is to see that a republican government is 
now established under conditions which recognize our right 
to maintain its stability and prosperity. Cuba has menaced 
our peace quite too long, and having once undertaken to 
remedy an intolerable condition there it would be inexcus- 
able folly to ignore the possibility and indeed probability of 
future trouble, or to fail to guard against its recurrence. 

All rights acquired by the act of intervention exist except 
so far as they are limited by the resolution of Congress, and 
the only limitation imposed by that legislation rightly con- 
strued is that we will not claim Cuba as a part of the United 
States. We took temporary possession of the island with a 
self-imposed trust which requires us to allow its people to 
establish a free and independent government, and also to 
assist in its maintenance as an orderly, stable, and beneficent 
one. The difficulty of the situation arises from the fact that 
it would be improper for the United States to dictate the 
provisions of the constitution which is to be the basis of 
the new government, except to an extent necessary for its 
own self-protection, and the discharge of obligations grow- 
ing out of its intervention. We have a right to insist that 
there shall be provisions in the constitution of Cuba, or 



People of Cuba and Porto Rico 147 

attached to it by way of an ordinance, which will clearly de- 
fine the relations which are to exist between the two coun- 
tries, but all matters relating to the system and detail of 
government should be left to the people of Cuba alone. For 
instance, although we may feel that universal suffrage will 
result in trouble and difficulty, we manifestly have no right 
to prescribe the elective franchise. 

The framework of government must be left by us to the 
constitutional convention without dictation or mandatory 
suggestion. So far as the rights of the people are concerned 
they must be left absolutely free to declare them. So far as 
our rights are concerned, we may insist on their recognition 
without in any way impairing or interfering with the inde- 
pendence of Cuba. The war with Spain was undertaken to 
put an end to intolerable conditions not only shocking to 
humanity, but menacing our welfare, and our work was but 
half done when the authority of Spain was destroyed. We 
became responsible to the people of Cuba, to ourselves, and 
the world at large, that a good government should be estab- 
lished and maintained in place of the bad one to which we 
put an end. The practical question then is, in what way 
can the United States provide for a government in Cuba 
which shall not only secure the blessings of liberty there in 
their full exercise, but shall also secure to the United States 
the results of good government in a country so closely 
adjoining us ? 

The right to intervene for the abolition of a bad govern- 
ment, and the right to intervene for the maintenance of a 
good government in Cuba, rest upon the same foundation. 
It is as much our duty to exercise our power in the mainte- 
nance of an independent, stable and peaceful government 
there as it was to exercise it in the destruction of a mon- 
archical, oppressive and inhuman one. Duty and self-inter- 
est coincide in this respect. The extension of the principles 
and institutions of free government, wherever possible and 
practicable, is no less our duty than the protection of our 



148 Annai£ of the; American Academy 

own citizens in all their rights and interests in a foreign 
country. By every consideration, then, which can bind a 
nation, we are committed and pledged to the policy of per- 
mitting the people of Cuba to establish, for and by them- 
selves, a republican government for the continuance and 
maintenance of which we are to be responsible. 

If the element of our responsibility were eliminated from 
the problem, it would be quite safe to say that the experi- 
ment of free government has never been attempted in the 
world under circumstances less favorable to permanent suc- 
cess. To insure the success of free government, certain con- 
ditions seem indispensable. There must be a homogeneous 
people possessed of a high degree of virtue and intelligence. 
A sentimental longing for liberty will not of itself insure the 
maintenance of a republic. Liberty is a word of quite elas- 
tic meaning. License is not true liberty. It is orderly lib- 
erty only which constitutes the sure basis of free govern- 
ment. That government only is really free and indepen- 
dent where liberty is restrained and buttressed by law r , and 
where the supposed rights of the individual are limited by 
the rights of all. To establish such liberty there must be an 
intelligent understanding of the social system and a compre- 
hension of the just principles upon which true government 
must always rest. The consent of the governed must be an 
intelligent consent. "Where the capacity to consent does not 
exist, no government can be permanently maintained upon 
such consent. Where a majority of voters neither under- 
stand nor respect the true principles of government, there 
may be a republic in name, but in fact it will only be a dic- 
tatorship, in which the purpose and power of its president 
control rather than the consent of the governed. 

Social, racial and economic conditions in Cuba do not at 
first sight promise well for the permanence of republican 
government. In passing, we must remember the fact that 
none of its people have had any experience in self-govern- 
ment, and the further fact that all their notions of govern- 



People of Cuba and Porto Rico 149 

ment have been framed and moulded by the history and 
administration of one of the most arbitrary and corrupt the 
world has ever known. The lines which mark the divi- 
sion of classes are most distinctly drawn, and the interests 
of the different classes are most diverse. 

The census of Cuba recently taken fails to give us statis- 
tics in many important particulars. It informs us as to the 
proportion of the white and colored population, and of the 
native and foreign born. It shows that the number engaged 
in gainful occupations is somewhat larger comparatively 
than in the United States, but it fails to give us any statis- 
tics as to property and wealth. 

Cuba is essentially an agricultural state. Its soil is very 
fertile and its climate is such that a failure of crops is seldom 
known. It has hitherto had the disadvantage that its agri- 
culture industry was mainly concentrated in the production 
of two crops only, sugar and tobacco. While there is oppor- 
tunity for great diversification of agriculture, the profits 
arising from sugar and tobacco have been such that other 
products have been neglected. The foreign trade of the 
island, exports and imports combined, has amounted to 
$100,000,000 annually, and when we reflect that this foreign 
trade is from an island containing only a million and half of 
people, it is easy to see how profitable these two products 
have been under favorable conditions. As a result of these 
industries, there was, before the war with Spain, great wealth 
in Cuba. The distinction made between Spaniards and 
Cubans is simply that of birthplace, persons born in Spain 
being classed as Spaniards, and all persons born in Cuba, 
being classed as Cubans. 

The Spaniards are the wealthy class. They are commer- 
cial people. They carry on trade and business, loan money, 
but do not as a class acquire landed property. They are 
merchants, bankers, traders, money lenders ; they have all 
the commercial instincts' and characteristics of the Jew, 
derived perhaps from the Jewish population of Spain in 



150 Annals of the American Academy 

former times. The proportion of Spaniards to the entire 
population is small — 130,000 only in round numbers, at the 
time of taking the census, out of a total population of 
1,600,000, were Spaniards. About sixty per cent of this 
number, under the treaty of Paris, retained their alle- 
giance to Spain. The proportion of adult males among 
Spaniards is very much greater than that of any other class 
of the population, 86,000 out of 130,000 being males over 
twenty-one years of age. Most of the ready money of the 
island is controlled by these Spaniards. 

y The land of Cuba is owned, generally speaking, by white 
Cubans. The number of land-owners in proportion to the 
population is not given, but their number is comparatively 
small. Considerable quantities of land are owned by persons 
residing in Spain and other countries, but the cultivated 
part of the island has been owned very largely by these 
Cuban planters. In recent times, some Americans and 
other foreigners have acquired estates, but the percentage of 
land thus held is small. It may then be said that the wealth 
and property of the island is concentrated in the hands of 
the Spaniards and a comparatively few white Cubans. Small 
holdings by persons cultivating land, as in the United States, 
are practically unknown in Cuba. The larger proportion of 
the inhabitants, both white and colored, are not property- 
holders and have no direct interest in the soil or in the busi- 
ness of the island. 

The classes controlling wealth and property took little 
or no part in the revolution. The Spaniards, of course, 
were loyal to Spain, and most of the Cuban land-owners tried 
to preserve their neutrality as between the revolutionists and 
the Spanish government, often paying tribute to both sides 
in the hope of saving their estates from destruction. There 
is little sympathy between the wealthy and land-owning 
classes in Cuba and the great bulk of its population. The 
active revolutionary element consisted of white Cubans, 
who, as has been said, have little or no property interests 



People of Cuba and Porto Rico 151 

at stake ; they were the officers of the insurgent forces ; 
the mulattoes constituted the rank and file, or fighting 
element of the revolution. <^ 

Naturally the conservative and property-holding class, and 
the radical and revolutionary class, thoroughly distrust each 
other. Property owners think property will not be safe if 
the revolutionary element shall be in control, and the radicals 
think that the property-owning and business element secretly 
favors annexation, in which it is encouraged by the United 
States. For this reason principally the radical leaders 
exhibit symptoms of hostility toward us. Those who own 
property in Cuba do look to the United States for protection; 
quite likely they are annexationists at heart. While there is 
little or no annexation sentiment in the United States, it is 
almost impossible to convince Cubans of that fact. The 
radicals think that we are not sincere when we tell them 
that annexation is the last thing desired by the United 
States, and the conservatives hope that in the end events 
may necessitate annexation. 

If the present Cuban leaders can be brought to understand 
and realize that the United States is as much opposed to 
annexation as they are, fully sympathizes with them in their 
desire for independence and has no intention of limiting or 
impairing that independence, their objection to the propo- 
sitions submitted to them by Congress, defining our future 
relations, will doubtless be modified. Cuban property own- 
ers felt the oppression of Spain but feared a government 
which would be established if the revolutionists succeeded, 
quite as much as they did the Spanish government. Such 
fear still continues, and as the) 7 are in a minority, they 
have hitherto refrained from any participation in the effort 
to establish a new government, confidently expecting the 
United States to protect them in the enjoyment of life, 
liberty and property. 

Politically, the people may be divided into five classes. 
First, Spaniards, including both those who have retained 



152 Annaes of the American Academy. 

their Spanish allegiance and those who have become Cuban 
citizens ; second, Autonomists, or white Cubans, who re- 
mained loyal during the war and undertook the task of 
organizing government under the autonomy at last conceded 
by Spain ; third, white Cubans, who tried to preserve their 
neutrality ; fourth, white Cuban revolutionists ; and fifth, 
the colored class, a large proportion of which participated 
in the revolution. Between these different classes there is 
little of sympathy, much of distrust. Even the Spaniards 
and the Autonomists do not affiliate, and at present there 
seems little prospect that there can be any political union 
among those who may be called the conservative people of 
Cuba. Their interests would lead them to unite, but their 
prejudices and suspicions forbid. 

There remains, then, the larger proportion of Cuban citi- 
zens who may be classed as radical revolutionists. In the 
United States they would be called agitators. Delegates 
representing this class of the population appear to be in 
control of the Cuban constitutional convention. They seem 
to feel that by reason of the fact that they were revolutionists 
they alone are entitled to take part in the establishment and 
management of a new government. 

They have very imperfect ideas of the practical duties or 
responsibilities of a free government, but are intensely 
devoted to liberty as they understand it. Instead of being 
grateful to the United States for the part it took in the 
liberation of Cuba, the} r appear to cherish a spirit of hostility 
towards us because they have not already been put in actual 
possession of the government. Under the military govern- 
ment of the island they have held and still hold nearly all of 
the civil offices, but recognize very little obligation to that 
government. One thing must be understood. Every Cuban, 
whether a revolutionist or otherwise, is essentially Spanish 
in all his traits and characteristics. There are as yet no 
well-defined political parties in Cuba. The conservatives 
have not been able to affiliate sufficiently to organize a 



People of Cuba and Porto Rico 153 

conservative party, and party divisions among the revolu- 
tionists are not based upon different policies or principles, 
but rather upon individual leadership. The social and 
economic conditions, thus briefly outlined, do not on their 
face promise much for permanence of republican govern- 
ment, but as time progresses, necessity and mutual interest 
may wear away prejudices and distrust, and permit some- 
thing like united effort by the more conservative classes. 

In addition to the difficulties enumerated, there is the 
inevitable race problem. There is not as yet a race issue in 
Cuban politics. Whether there will be, time only can 
determine. Prejudice on account of color is either less than 
in the United States or of a different quality. Certainly 
neither blacks nor mixed bloods are regarded as inferiors to 
the same extent as with us, and in the matter of social 
distinction color plays but a comparatively unimportant part. 
White and colored laborers work side by side without 
friction or contention. Maceo was honored and esteemed as 
perhaps the ablest revolutionary general, and Gualberto 
Gomez is regarded as one of the ablest delegates in the 
constitutional convention. Universal suffrage was adopted 
in the proposed constitution without a suggestion and pre- 
sumably without a thought that a colored man was not as \ 
much entitled to be a voter as a white man. 

The colored people, including blacks and mixed bloods, 
constitute about one-third of the population of Cuba. In 
some of the provinces like Santiago and Matanzas, the 
proportion is much larger ; in Santiago forty-five per cent, 
in Matanzas forty per cent, while in some of the provinces 
it is comparatively small, in Puerto Principe only twenty 
per cent. It is an illiterate population. Only twenty-eight 
per cent of the colored population of the island can read. 
True, the white population is also illiterate, only forty-nine 
per cent of which can read. These facts are very suggestive 
when we consider the possibility of maintaining a republican 
government. In the ascertainment of these statistics of 



154 Annals of the American Academy. 

illiteracy it is assumed that all children under ten years of 
age attending school can read, so that the proportion of adult 
males who can read will be somewhat less than indicated. 

The colored population of Cuba differs essentially from 
that in the United States, or in the other West India Islands. 
The number of pure blacks is not given in the census. The 
proportion is small. In appearance they differ essentially 
from the negro of the United States. They are absolutely 
black, but their features are more European in cast. They 
are not thick-lipped, and, except for color, would be taken as 
splendid physical types of the Caucasian race. How this 
physical difference is to be accounted for we can only conjec- 
ture by assuming that the slaves imported into Cuba came 
from different sections of Africa than those imported into the 
United States. The blacks in Cuba appear to be of a supe- 
rior type as to capacity and efficiency, but the mulatto com- 
pares less favorably with the mulatto in the United States. 
This is accounted for probably both by blood and environment. 
Mulattoes in the United States are a mixture of the Anglo- 
Saxon and negro ; in Cuba, of the Spaniard and negro. The 
negro imitates the whites with whom he is brought up, so in 
the United States he imitates the character of the Anglo- 
Saxon ; in Cuba, the character of the Spaniard. 

In the United States he therefore naturally aspires to par- 
ticipate in government ; in Cuba he seems to have very little 
such aspiration. He is industrious, docile, quiet, and 
cares for little beyond his immediate domestic and industrial 
surroundings. The colored voter in Cuba is not likely 
to be a disturbing political element, unless under a sense of 
wrong and injustice his emotions are excited, then, indeed, 
he becomes a good fighter, as was proved in the late revolu- 
tion. He may possibly be influenced by the agitator and dema- 
gogue, but it will require a very deep realization of injustice 
to make him a dangerous factor in the politics of the island. 
That he will vote intelligently can scarcely be expected. His 
vote may aid in putting dangerous men in power, but he will 



People of Cuba and Porto Rico 155 

not greatl3 r interest himself in the affairs of the govern- 
ment. 

The colored population of Cuba presents a most interest- 
ing sociological problem. The admixture of blood in his 
veins exceeds, perhaps, that of the mulatto in any other part of 
the world. The Spaniard himself is the result of an admixture 
of blood running through centuries, and the difference in 
appearance of Spaniards in Cuba is so great that the type is 
hardly perceptible. The race problem, as it appears in the 
white Cuban population, is quite as interesting as when con- 
fined to the colored population. The Spaniards in Cuba have 
come from the different sections of Spain, and the same is true 
of the ancestors of the white Cubans. Spaniards differ in 
appearance and characteristics more than the inhabitants of 
almost any other country. The history of Spain for a thou- 
sand years was that of conquest, of colonization and assimi- 
lation of its native people with its conquerors and colonies. 
Phoenicians, Greeks, Romans, Goths, Moors and Jews suc- 
cessively occupied Spain, and with the exception of the Jews 
controlled its government and amalgamated with its people. 
Its different provinces have developed different types of 
manhood, and Cuba has received its immigration from every 
province. Its generals, officials, nobility, soldiery and its 
peasantry alike peopled Cuba. In the veins of the Cuban 
mulatto it is thus possible that there runs an infinitesimal 
current of the blood of Phoenician, Greek, Roman, Gothic 
and Moorish ancestors transmitted through its Spanish pro- 
genitors. We are ourselves becoming a very mixed popu- 
lation, and yet hardly more so than the population of Cuba 
which we have been wont to call Spanish. 

It will be seen, therefore, that the different classes of Cuban 
population have little in common, except a desire for liberty, 
as yet scarcely understood, and a pride of country. Whether 
these two common ties will be strong enough to insure an 
orderly, well-balanced, peaceful government remains to be 
seen. The elements of discord are in full play now, and if 



156 Annaes of the American Academy 

these alone were regarded the outlook would not be very- 
hopeful. It is by no means certain, however, that the 
colored citizens in Cuba may not in the end ally themselves 
with the conservative rather than with the revolutionary and 
turbulent forces. A hopeful indication of this is found in the 
fact that in the province of Santiago, where the colored ele- 
ment is numerically stronger than in any other province, 
delegates in the convention have been instructed at mass 
meetings called for that purpose to accept the amendment 
proposed at the recent session of Congress. 

The results of education will not be immediately manifest, 
but perhaps the most hopeful sign of responsible and perma- 
nent government in Cuba is to be seen in the educational 
work already begun there. If the next few years can be 
tided over successfully, intelligence will doubtless come to 
the rescue. At present there is discord, ignorance, and, 
among the masses of the people, indifference. We must 
hope that prejudice and suspicion between those who have 
most at stake will be allayed, that the intelligent and con- 
servative element will more and more assert itself, and that 
the great need of Cuba for independence, peace and prosperity 
will unite a majority of its people to labor for that end. 

But the real hope for a free Cuba is to be found in the 
friendly advice and guidance, and, if necessary, the assist- 
ance of the United States. There will be no American 
colonization there in the strict sense of the word. That 
American capital will go there as soon as there is a govern- 
ment under which its safety is assured, there is no question ; 
that our American laborers will go there to any considerable 
extent is improbable, not that climatic conditions are such 
that it is impossible for them to work and live there, but that 
industrial conditions will not, for a long time at least, be such 
as to furnish inducements to the American who desires to 
support himself by his own labor to emigrate to Cuba. The 
island may easily support a population of five millions, or, 
as many think, a much larger number ; but the question of 



People of Cuba and Porto Rico 157 

its increase of population depends largely upon where its 
laborers are to come from. 

There is little prospect that the colored race will increase 
proportionately from natural causes. The labor required 
to fully develop its agricultural industries must come from 
abroad. The American negro is no more likely to go 
there than the white laborer of the United States. Indus- 
trially, then, as well as politically, the future of Cuba depends 
largely upon its immigration, which at present comes from 
Northern Spain and the Canary Islands. These immigrants, 
amounting to 40,000 or more last year, are still Spaniards, 
but may be classified as Spanish peasantry. They seem 
adapted to the climate, and the wages which they can 
command far exceed what they can obtain in their home 
country. They are industrious, peaceable and domestic — in 
a word, calculated to make good citizens. If properly treated 
by the capitalists who employ them, they are liable to consti- 
tute not only a stable, but an influential part of the popula- 
tion. Four things, then, seem to promise good results : The 
guidance and aid of the United States, the education of Cuban 
children, the probable conservatism of the colored population, 
and the industrial and peaceful character of probable immi- 
grants. The revolutionary class will not at once abandon 
the idea that they alone are entitled to govern, and there 
will doubtless be more or less friction, contention and dis- 
turbance, but as time wears on, it is to be hoped that out of 
confusion order may come. 

The hands of the United States are indeed partially tied. 
There is a limit beyond which it may not go, and yet within 
the legitimate limits which it has prescribed for itself it can 
do much. It may not interfere with the liberty of the people 
of Cuba to establish an independent government, republican 
in form and fact ; it may, and must, for its own protection, 
and in the discharge of obligations from which it cannot 
escape if it would, see to it that the independence of Cuba 
shall not be overthrown, no matter from what quarter it may 



158 Annals of the; American Academy 

be assailed, and that life, property and individual rights 
shall be as secure there as in the United States. 

That the relations which are to exist between the United 
States and the new government of Cuba must be closer than 
those between us and any other foreign country will be 
apparent to the dullest comprehension. So long as any 
doubt exists of the ability of Cuba to stand alone, the United 
States must be ready to support her. We must protect her 
against any demands which will impair her independence, 
and against any internal dissensions which may threaten the 
overthrow of republican government. In thus standing 
ready, and insisting upon our right to protect Cuba, we do 
not at all contemplate the establishment of a protectorate in 
any sense in which that term has been used in international 
law. Our relations with Cuba will be unique. We may 
best express them by saying that we claim the right to be 
recognized as the guarantor of Cuban independence and of 
the stability of its government. To require less than this 
would be an abandonment of both self-interest and duty. 

We propose to leave Cuba free to make treaties with 
foreign powers not inconsistent with her independence ; to 
enact all legislation which a free and independent government 
may enact, to manage her own affairs in her own way, 
provided only that she does not thereby imperil her own 
safety and our peace. And yet our right to intervene to save 
Cuba even from herself must be recognized. We cannot 
permit any foreign power to obtain a foothold in Cuba. We 
cannot permit disturbances there which threaten the over- 
throw of her government. We cannot tolerate a condition 
in which life and property shall be insecure. In all this our 
position is that of unselfishness. We do not seek our own 
aggrandisement ; we do not ask reimbursement for the lives 
and treasure spent in the effort to secure the blessings of 
liberty and free government to Cuba. 

We have undertaken to do for her people what no nation 
in all history has ever undertaken to do for another, namely, 



People of Cuba and Porto Rico 159 

to overthrow an inhuman and iniquitous government in 
order that a just, humane and beneficent government may be 
established and maintained in its stead. Half of our work 
is accomplished, half of it remains to be done. We have no 
doubt that the remaining half of our duty will be performed 
in the same spirit and with the same unselfishness which has 
characterized our work from its commencement. Having 
put our hand to the plow, we may not, and will not, look 
back. It is a great and glorious work which we have 
undertaken. The difficulties and intricacies which confront 
us should only stimulate us to a more conscientious perform- 
ance of duty. In spite of all discouragement we look for 
a free and regenerated Cuba, for which we may with self- 
respect and even pride stand sponsor. 



THE SPANISH POPULATION OF 
CUBA AND PORTO RICO. BY CHARLES 
M, PEPPER, WASHINGTON, D. C, 



(161) 



THE SPANISH POPULATION OF CUBA AND 
PORTO RICO. 

By Mr. Charles M. Pepper, 

Of Washington, D. C. 

In any discussion of the natives of Cuba and Porto Rico, 
it is not possible entirely to separate the Latin from the 
African race. They exist together in those Islands and 
their future is woven together inseparably. Each race has 
kept its own identity, yet there has been a reciprocal or a 
mutual influence. The African has benefited by the toler- 
ance and kindlier consideration, the less pronounced antip- 
athy, of the Spaniard as compared with the Anglo-Saxon. 
Conversely the Negro has had a steadying influence, if I 
may so call it, on the Spaniard. I do not mean to say that 
this has been the result of racial intermixture, but rather 
that the Negro living side by side with the Latin race has 
modified the Latin temperament. 

It is well to have this knowledge at the outset as it also is 
well to recognize the status of the Negro. That the advance 
which has been made may be lost by a disproportionate 
growth of black population is the spectre of a brooding imagi- 
nation. Porto Rico has no room for newcomers of the 
laboring class. The present- day problem there is to find an 
outlet for an overcrowded population. Cuba can support six 
times the existing number of inhabitants, but economic and 
political causes have combined to discourage schemes of 
Negro colonization, while white immigration from Spain has 
been in progress for the last two j^ears and is certain to con- 
tinue. With a perception of these facts it is not necessary 
to controvert the presumption of the Caucasians in Cuba 
and Porto Rico being smothered by a black cloud. There 
will be no smothering of the African either, but there will 

(163) 



164 Annals of the; American Academy 

be a white preponderance large enough to settle the race 
question. 

We may analyze and study the natives of Cuba and Porto 
Rico who are of Spanish stock with better understanding 
when we know that in each Island they comprise substan- 
tially two-thirds of the inhabitants, a little less in Porto 
Rico and a little more in Cuba. This is shown in the census 
compiled under the direction of the War Department by 
experts. It is a pleasure to refer to a government publica- 
tion so comprehensive, so well digested and so trustworthy 
as these volumes. They furnish an example of the value of 
utilizing trained intelligence. 

By this census we find that in Porto Rico out of a total 
of 953,243 the native-born inhabitants number 939,371, of 
whom 578,000 are white and 361,367 colored. In Cuba the 
proportion is 1,067,354 whites to 505,443 blacks and mulat- 
toes. That means a full million persons of Spanish birth or 
descent. 

' ' We all know, ' ' says Walter Bagehot, ' ' how much a 
man is apt to be like his ancestors." This observation 
applies to the natives of both Islands, but with greater force, 
I think, to those of Cuba. In both instances we may be 
sure they take after their ancestors from Spain and its 
adjoining possessions. Nor is the ancestry remote. " Two 
hundred years," said a chronicler nearly a century ago in 
describing Porto Rico and her people, ' ' are lost in obscurity. ' ' 
For an understanding of the inhabitants of the present day it 
is not necessary to grope in darkness seeking to recover 
those lost pages of history. We know that as in Cuba the 
Indian race is extinct and that the Indian mixture of which 
some travelers have discoursed is an imaginary one. 

The ancestry of the present generation of Porto Rican 
natives need not be traced back more than a century and a 
quarter. Originally the immigration was from the southern 
part of Spain, Andalusia and Castile having the right to 
people the Island to the exclusion of the other provinces of 



Population of Cuba and Porto Rico 165 

the Peninsula. Andalusia furnished the larger number and 
left the stronger impress, but in time the prohibition was 
raised and the emigrants mingled in one stream, which had 
its sources in all parts of Spain. Ultimately the stream 
became a swollen one and the little Island, through immigra- 
tion and natural increase, had all the inhabitants she could 
sustain. This happened a good many years ago, so it may 
be said that the major proportion of the natives of Porto 
Rico are of Spanish blood two or three generations removed. 
The result we have to-day is a thin-blooded people, living 
chiefly on vegetable diet and physically degenerated from 
their sturdy ancestors. It is an agricultural population, the 
bulk of which is called peons. The majority of the peons 
live worse than the field laborers, so far as I have been able 
to observe, anywhere else in the West Indies. Their dwell- 
ings are very small, thatched huts raised two or three feet 
from the ground and rarely containing more than one room, 
though sometimes there is a board or a canvas partition. 
The number of inmates seldom is less than half a dozen and 
more often is ten or twelve. They are prolific in their pov- 
erty. Most of them do not own their huts. These belong 
to the coffee, tobacco or sugar planters. It is a consequence 
of the old political conditions, which kept the peons practi- 
cally as serfs of the soil. 

The more general term for the Porto Rico countrymen is 
gibaros. The name implies a larger degree of personal 
independence than applies to the peons, for the gibaros often 
are small land owners. Both peons and gibaros are a peace- 
ful, easygoing people, guileless and trustful. As I have 
found them they are obliging and hospitable, though the 
population is too crowded for unstinted hospitality. The 
observer from the north always calls them lazy. Usually 
they are pictured by travelers as lolling in hammocks or 
twanging the gourd guitar while waiting for the bread-fruit, 
the orange or the cocoanut to drop from the overhanging 
tree into their mouths. Their amusements are sedentary, 



1 66 Annals of the American Academy 

the cocking main being the chief one because it requires the 
least exertion. I am not going to lighten the shades of this 
picture, yet one or two observations may be in point. The 
indolence of the tropics is inherent. The visitor from the 
temperate zone who has had previous experience, if he 
wants to do anything calling for effort is wise enough to do 
it at once, for as the days pass he has less inclination for 
exertion, even where pleasure or entertainment is the object. 
If the reservoirs of energy stored up by the native of the 
north are so soon exhausted, how much should be expected 
from a people who must go back fifty, one hundred or one 
hundred and fifty years for their original storehouse of 
energy ? 

During the Spanish rule the government was placed so 
far above the people of Porto Rico that they are not to be 
blamed if, in the beginning, they abuse the broader privi- 
leges which have come to them under American institutions. 
Their first tendency was intolerance. When elections were 
held they applied literally the doctrine that the spoils belong 
to the victors. Perhaps American politicians would take 
this as evidence of a highly developed capacity for self- 
government. They proposed not only to fill the offices with 
their own friends, but also to make their enemies pay all the 
taxes. It was simply the rebound from conditions under 
which they had no part in filling the offices and no share in 
raising the taxes. 

The tendency to political abstractions may be noted as a 
part of the Latin temperament. An outcropping of it was 
seen in Porto Rico. When the American Congress remitted 
two million dollars of revenue to the Island, one enthusiast 
proposed that the sum should be expended in erecting a 
magnificent Temple of Justice. The practical American 
officials spent the money in building roads and school- 
houses. 
£- — In Cuba native-born persons, whether white or black, or 
of foreign parentage, are called Criollos, or Creoles. How- 



Population of Cuba and Porto Rico 167 

ever, in common usage the term more often is applied to the 
white Cubans, and this means chiefly the inhabitants who 
are of Spanish descent. In the fierce protests against bad 
government the line between the Spaniards of to-day — that 
is those born in the Peninsula and its adjacent Islands — 
and the Spaniards of yesterday — that is those whose fathers, 
grandfathers and great-grandfathers were born there — some- 
times used to be drawn as if they were alien and antago- 
nistic races. But it does not need a scientific analysis to 
caution us against mistaking passing and justifiable political 
passion for racial antipathy when the race is one. 

Here I am reminded of what James Anthony Froude, the 
English historian, said when in his despairing survey of the 
British West Indies he turned aside to contrast them with the 
Spanish possessions. "We English," he wrote, "have 
built in those Islands as if we were but passing visitors 
wanting only tenements to be occupied for a time. The 
Spaniards built as they build in Castile and they carried 
with them their laws, their habits, their institutions and 
their creed. . . . Whatever the eventual fate of Cuba, 
the Spanish race has taken root there, and is visibly destined 
to remain. Spanish, at any rate, they are to the bone and 
marrow, and Spanish they will continue." 

We must go back to Catalonia, Andalusia and the shores 
of the Mediterranean ; to the Canaries and the Balearic 
Islands ; to Asturias, Galicia and the Basque provinces of 
Spain for the customs, habits, traditions, creed, amusements, 
language and tendencies of the natives of Cuba. Prefer- 
ably we should give the most attention to Catalonia, Galicia 
and Asturias, for it is from these three provinces that the 
major portion of the later immigration has come. 

A certain village in the far interior of Cuba was a hot- 
house of revolutionary agitation. I visited it at the close 
of the war when the American military authorities were 
concerned over the threat of reprisals against the Spaniards. 
The Cubans professed to hate the whole race and in those 



1 68 Annai^s of the; American Academy 

days when long-restrained passion was finding vent they 
thought they did hate their own parent stem. They told 
me the two classes had nothing in common. Yet they had 
everything in common. The well from which the children 
were drawing water was of even more ancient origin than 
Spanish, for it was of the older Moorish construction known 
as the nana. That day there was a fiesta or church holiday. 
The baile, or dance, which was a feature of the evening cele- 
bration, and which I witnessed, varied only a shade from the 
representation of the customs of Galicia, which I had seen 
at the leading Spanish theatre in Havana a few evenings 
previously. The music was an air which had floated over 
from the Gulf of Biscay. The entertainment provided me 
at the posada, or inn, was such as I had read of in the pages 
of Gil Bias. The houses were like those in an eighteenth 
century print of Don Quixote. On a later day mass was 
celebrated by the priest for the repose of the soul of Antonio 
Maceo and other Cuban insurgents, and the ceremonial was 
that of the Spanish Church in the middle ages. After see- 
ing these things I did not give much heed to the Cuban's 
talk that they hated the whole Spanish race. Root and 
branch were too much alike for the hatred to endure. 

Then there is the guajiro, or countryman, seated at the 
door of his bohio, or palm-thatched cabin, playing his guitar. 
Usually he is portrayed in his broad straw hat with fringed 
edges, the front turned in a flap and exposing his honest face 
while the back slopes down over his neck. The hat is 
known as the sanjuanero, because of its universal use on 
the feast day of St. John the Baptist, a popular Spanish 
holiday. To the accompaniment of the guitar is sung a 
ballad, called a decima, or a cancion. All this is a character- 
istically Cuban picture. The traveler will see it wherever 
he goes throughout the Island. Yet it is a Spanish picture, 
too, and the decimas and canciones, though the subjects are 
local, are frequently mere repetitions of the provincial songs 
and ballads heard among the Spanish peasantry. 



Population of Cuba and Porto Rico 169 

Differences are noted in the natives of the different prov- 
inces of Cuba, due chiefly to the immigration from which 
was drawn the original stock. The Spanish strain of blood 
is preserved in its greatest purity in the central region of 
Puerto Principe or Camagiiey. Though sparsely settled, 
three-fourths of the population of this section is white. For 
half a century the Camagiieyans were the most intense 
revolutionists. They vindicated their Spanish fighting ances- 
try by their armed opposition to Spanish government. Their 
free, open-air life and their isolation from the rest of the 
Island strengthened their independence of a governing coun- 
try across the seas, yet they kept unchanged Castilian tradi- 
tions and usages. Sometimes it has seemed to me that 
among these people could be traced the Moorish blood and 
a survival of the customs of Granada. The men are 
stronger physically and more responsive mentally than in 
other parts of Cuba, and of the women it has been said that 
they present the Spanish type slightly modified and perhaps 
embellished by the soft skies of the tropics. The inland 
city of Puerto Principe, with its narrow streets and over- 
hanging balconies is a perfect reproduction of many towns 
in Spain. I have been told by travelers that the houses 
might be mistakened for those of Seville or Cordova. And 
it must be said that heretofore the inhabitants of Camagiiey 
have shown themselves as unprogressive in public improve- 
ments, and as strongly opposed to innovations as the old 
towns of Spain. They have inordinate pride, a true Spanish 
trait, the mark of ignorance and isolation. This quality is 
redeemed by their courtesy and hospitality. 

We may be asked to believe that all the sturdy qualities 
of the Spanish peasantry have been lost in the transfusion 
of the tropics, like a flower that has gone to seed; but while 
allowance must be made for the modifications of tempera- 
ment due to climate and environment, I think we will find 
that the native Cuban of to-day, when the depths of his 
nature are sounded, is not materially different from his Cas- 



170 Annates of the American Academy 

tilian forbear. It has been well said that the peasantry were 
the secret of Spain's greatness in the past, and perhaps may- 
be the secret of her greatness in the future; a peasantry who 
were noted for their freedom, independence, endurance and 
native nobility. In Asturias every toiler was a prince; in 
Castile every man was an hidalgo. Says a recent writer in 
treating of the Spanish people: "Proud, self-respecting- 
dignity; simple, sober habits; native good manners and 
kindness are the characteristics of all classes of the nation." 

How far have these characteristics been changed by trans- 
plantation to tropical surroundings ? The Spaniard in Cuba 
still prides himself that he is un hombre serioso, a serious- 
minded man. As for the native Cubans, during the last four 
years I have had the opportunity to observe them under all 
conditions, though more frequently in adversity than in 
prosperity. The traits described are of an agricultural 
people, and the Cubans are essentially an agricultural people, 
and must continue so. Of their hospitality no one who has 
traveled over the Island can entertain a doubt. It is simple 
and genuine. No conventional hypocrisy gilds it. It has 
been said that hospitality wanes as civilization advances. If 
that be true, whoever has known country life in Cuba will 
rejoice secretly over the slow advance of a supposedly superior 
civilization. 

Politeness and courtesy go with this hospitality. Then 
there is an obliging disposition and a goodnature which is 
one of the defects of character. The Cuban does not like to 
hurt your feelings by telling you unpleasant truths, so he is 
apt to agree with you. Though he knows you are wrong 
and will carry away wrong impressions, he will let you do 
so rather than contradict you. 

Another example of goodnature is seen in the blunted 
moral sensibility which has come from long training under 
corrupt government. The Cuban or Spaniard does not fully 
subscribe to the saying ' ' to rob the state is not to rob. ' ' 
When he knows of some one who is stealing he may remon- 



Population of Cuba and Porto Rico 171 

strate privately with the thief. He even may give a hint of 
the peculation, yet he shrinks from open denunciation and 
from the inconvenience which may be caused to himself and 
to the thief by a public exposure. It is his goodnature that 
makes him recoil from the penalty of wrongdoing just as it 
causes him to sanction the wasting of public funds for the 
benefit of individuals. This goodnature is one of the obsta- 
cles to many reforms in government, or measures which 
appear to American eyes as reforms. To my own mind it 
always will be a question whether the jury system is a real 
palladium of liberty among a goodnatured people. 

The temperance and sobriety of all classes of the Cuban 
population are partly due to climatic influences, yet there is 
a moderation in methods of living and in recreation which is 
a Spanish inheritance and is not due to climate. It requires 
an effort on the part of the strenuous American to be temper- 
ate in an3'thing, but the Cubans are temperate without effort. 
Their peaceful disposition is universal. They are not 
quarrelsome among themselves or with strangers. A darker 
shade of their character may be found in the revengefulness 
with which supposed injuries are righted ; hence some- 
times the ambush, the knife in the dark, even the assassina- 
tion, and the burning of the sugar planter's cane for 
revenge. 

There is also the duplicity which is employed to foil 
policies and purposes. Duplicity is the weapon of the 
weak. Without it revolution against the superior power of 
Spain never could have succeeded. While it exists among 
native Cubans to an unpleasant extent it is offset by a high 
degree of trust in those who gain their goodwill. This is 
another trait of a people who can be led but not driven. 
Distrust and suspicion once aroused the sullen characteristics 
appear. These are one manifestation of passive or moral 
resistance. They are worthy the study of statesmen, for it 
was the passive resistance of the Cuban people, the natives 
of Spanish origin, which thwarted the government of Spain 



172 Annals of the American Academy 

in the dying years of the nineteenth century and ended the 
glorious pageant of colonial history which was ushered in 
with the discoveries of Columbus. 

This positive resistance was illustrated in its highest form 
during the period of insurrection which was marked by the 
Weyler reconcentration. There is in the Spanish nature an 
indifference to physical suffering, of which the Inquisition, 
the cruelties of the Conquistadores, the extermination of the 
native Indians, are the black monuments of history. The 
passive manifestation was seen during the reconcentration, 
and was seen in heroic aspects, too. Stoic philosophy, 
inflexible determination were shown by a people conscious 
of their own doom of extinction, giving their moral support 
to a revolution which they were too weak to abet physically, 
and offering a passive opposition to the military measures of 
the Spanish government which was more potent than could 
have been an army in the field. When the campesinos, 
gjtajiros, or countrymen, endured all this, they were desig- 
nated as pacificos. The country inhabitants of Cuba to-day 
rightly might be called pacificos, for with anything like 
good government they are the most peaceful people in the 
world. 

Often I witnessed this same stoicism or physical endurance 
among the Spanish soldiers. The recollection of it causes 
me to smile when the effort is made to draw a fundamental 
distinction between the native Cubans and their Spanish 
ancestors. Seeing the peasant lads of Spain bearing the 
neglect and abuse of their officers with the patience of dumb 
brutes; watching them die by the thousands from the fevers; 
observing their distress scarcely less keen than that of the 
reconcentradoes, I wondered at their failure to mutiny and 
speculated on the processes which through the centuries had 
produced this docility, yet the one point always stood out 
and this was their capacity to sustain suffering. Cuban 
reconcentrado and Castilian soldier lad alike showed it, but 
on the part of the soldier it was passive endurance alone, 



Population of Cuba and Porto Rico 173 

while with the mass of the Cuban population it was passive 
resistance. Moreover, on their side always were some bold 
leaders among whom the spirit of revolt was active, and 
with the Negro infusion they kept up an insurrectionary 
movement which dragged the pacificos, half doubtingly and 
half sympathetically, after them. Kindred to these quali- 
ties of endurance, which perhaps is only one form of fatalism, 
are others. They are apathy, lethargy, inertia, lack of the 
initiative faculty. 

It may excite surprise to characterize as sentimental a 
people who in their endurance and their resistance have so 
many elements of stoicism, yet the Cubans of all classes are 
sentimental in the highest degree. By sentiment I do not 
mean merely I^atin emotionalism, which is temperamental. 
With these people there is the deepest affection for their 
land. No one who has dwelt under its kindly skies, and 
who has experienced the impressiveness of the palm-tree 
landscape, can fail to sympathize with that feeling. The 
sentiment now is seeking for the realization of aspirations 
and ideals in the symbolism of a Cuban flag. That sym- 
bolism the United States is striving to guarantee under the 
lightest of restrictions and without thwarting the patriotic 
Cuban aspiration for independence which, however disap- 
pointing in its first results, is worthy of respect. 

From what has been stated of the characteristics and traits 
of the natives of Cuba, an idea may be had of the lines 
along which their development should be sought. It should 
not be by doing violence to customs, traditions, laws and 
institutions which have been inherited from their Spanish 
ancestors, or to sentiments which have sprung from the soil 
and have become part of their own being. The develop- 
ment of the Cuban people that is to be a homogeneous 
people is even more a social and industrial problem than a 
question of political government. Here we are likely to be 
met with the usual off-hand assumption that the indolence of 
the tropics bars progress. I think a more correct definition 



174 Annals of the American Academy 

of this indolence of the tropics was that given by a Porto 
Rican author. He called it ' ' the negative inclination to 
work. ' ' When we approach the sociological side we may- 
have repeated to us Mr. Ingersoll's famous word picture of 
a colony of New England preachers and Yankee school- 
ma'ams established in the West Indies and the third genera- 
tion riding bareback on Sunday to the cock fights. 

On the industrial side it is the old idea of slave labor and 
later of coolie labor as the only mechanism which is capable 
of working under a burning sky. leaving out the human 
element in this manner, naturally we must exclude the stim- 
ulus and incentive to greater enjoyment and greater comfort 
in living. I am one of those who, from somewhat limited 
observation, believe that the negative inclination to work 
can be turned into a positive disposition to labor. In Hawaii, 
in Cuba, Porto Rico and other West India Islands it always 
has seemed to me a question of the management of men rather 
than of abstract deductions regarding labor in the tropics. 
That the human energies shall be exerted with the same 
fierce zeal or the same sustained effort as in the north we 
do not expect, but sustained effort is not impossible. 

Philosophical generalizations in dealing with this subject 
are so easy that I hesitate to descend from that high plane 
to the level of concrete instances which may controvert phi- 
losophy. Yet here are a few illustrations. 

We hardly need be told that in Porto Rico most of the 
natives go barefoot. An American official who was charged 
with penitentiary administration was distressed by the idle- 
ness of the convicts. He set them to work at various use- 
ful occupations. One of these occupations which they 
learned most readily was making shoes. Few of these con- 
vict shoemakers ever had worn foot-leather. When some 
of those whose sentences were light were released their 
first move was to seek work in order to earn money with 
which to buy shoes. The American official did not pretend 
to be a political economist, but when he got to thinking it 



Population of Cuba and Porto Rico 175 

over he reached the conclusion that the Porto Rican natives 
would work harder whenever they became possessed with 
the notion that there was more comfort in wearing shoes 
than in going barefoot. I think he was right. American 
contractors who were building bridges, constructing roads 
and doing other work of that kind, always complained of 
the laziness of the natives, yet some of them would admit 
that when they put the incentive of more comfort before the 
peons or laborers they got better results. 

In Havana last winter an electric railway was being con- 
structed and much of the work had to be done under high 
pressure. It was in charge of a shrewd young American 
engineer who at one time had 2,700 men under him. Every- 
body predicted his failure in completing the contract. Every- 
body was sure that the white and the black Cubans and 
the Spanish peasants could not be relied on. The engineer 
did not argue the proposition. He knew human nature and 
he knew how to select good subordinates. They in their 
turn knew how to handle men. They urged the laborers by 
example and they set forth the inducements for hard work. 
The electric railway was finished on time. The young 
American told me that the labor capacity of the Havana 
individual workingman was as high as the labor capacity of 
the individual workingman in Pittsburg. On that calcula- 
tion he completed his contract. 

Some of us who had known Cuba in the days when the 
torches of the insurgents and the torches of the Spanish 
troops were rendering it a charred wilderness, were surprised 
this season to note everywhere the evidences of recupera- 
tion. All the planters were ruined and few of them were 
able to get the money with which to replant their estates, 
yet the sugar crop this year is larger than it has been for 
six years past. The bankers in Havana and the railway 
managers all over the Island, knowing the poverty of 
resources, have been surprised at the extent of the cane 
planting. Many of them told me that they hardly knew 



176 Annai<s of the American Academy 

how it was done, but that the country people somehow man- 
aged to do it. They wanted their homes again and they 
wanted some of the comforts of life. That was the induce- 
ment. An indolent people, without incentive to shake off 
tropical lethargy, never would have done it. I could give a 
dozen similar cases in which these Cuban countrymen were 
aroused from their apathy, but the recital would take too 
long. 

Can we forecast the future from these scattered instances? 
Probably the philosopher will say no, but I believe 
Cuban guajiro and the Porto Rican gibaro can be made to 
want more to eat; to desire a larger cabin with something 
besides a palm thatching; can develop an ambition to provide 
for his housewife more kitchen utensils than the single pot 
or kettle which is hung over the charcoal fire; can be induced 
to long for straw mattings and chairs for his humble dwell- 
ing; to emulate his neighbor in procuring an extra calico 
dress for his wife and daughters, and something besides a 
ragged pair of duck or linen trousers and a cheap cotton 
shirt for himself. In my mind's eye I also see the time 
when through some neighbor's example he will want to have 
his children going to the country school, and his pride will 
cause him to exert himself laboriously so that they may be 
clothed with more garments than has been the custom in the 
tropics. These are homely illustrations and may carry no 
profound truths, yet let this condition of emulation apply to 
a million people and let the inducements to higher living be 
set forth, is it certain then that the ease of supplying the 
bare needs of existence in a warm country will clog all the 
incentives and the stimulus to labor ? 

Of what might be called the political traits or the charac- 
teristics for self-government I shall have to treat briefly. 
Something of them may be learned from what has been said 
of the habits, customs, traditions and environment. For a 
century only the destructive tendencies of the Cubans could 
find expression ; hence conspiracies, revolts, insurrections 



Population of Cuba and Porto Rico 177 

and active or passive revolution. The great Nation which 
has most to do with the future development of Cuba and her 
people, of all perils will beware of arousing their passive 
resistance. A discerning observer from Spain at the begin- 
ning of the last insurrection, told his countrymen that 
passive resistance was the characteristic of the Island. Does 
the country produce it? he asked, and then continued. 
Perhaps it is the climate ? Perhaps it is the child of tropi- 
cal influences ? He did not answer his own question of its 
origin satisfactorily, but he noted that this passive resistance 
was the hidden rock against which the strongest will and the 
most resolute purpose were shattered. I,et the United 
States avoid the hidden rock. 

While the Cuban character for a century was shown in its 
destructive tendencies, a final judgment cannot be formed 
of its constructive and administrative capacity by a trial of 
two or three years. On the part of any people centuries of 
the lack of training in political education and of practice in 
popular and representative government cannot be corrected 
in the experience of a twelve-months. It is easy to point 
out the defects and vices of the Spanish nature and their 
inheritance and modifications in the Cuban character. No 
great exertion of the intellect is required to sneer at racial 
weaknesses which are patent and which proclaim themselves. 
But human progress is not along these lines. It is advanced 
by appealing to the virtues, not by exploiting the vices of a 
people. In their present experiment, to realize their aspira- 
tions there should be stretched out to the Cubans not the 
strong hand, but the helping hand, of the United States. 

Following the topic assigned to me, I have sought to con- 
fine myself closely to the natives of Spanish blood and their 
influence in the future of the two West India Islands with 
which the United States is most intimately concerned. I 
would not be understood as ignoring the effect of immigra- 
tion from this country, for there will be an immigration and 
a commingling of the two peoples. Cuba will be benefited 



178 Annals of the; American Academy 

by the presence and the example of many Americans who 
will settle in the Island. Yet for years, the bulk of the 
arrivals, following the course which is indicated, will be 
from Spain. This will reinforce the existing two-thirds of 
the population which is of Spanish stock. It means a rein- 
forcement of the Castilian language, of Spanish traditions, 
religious faith, customs, manners, habits of thinking and 
methods of living. In other words it renews and refreshes 
the Spanish strain among the native Cubans. In all our 
dealings with the Cuban people this must be kept in mind. 

"The luxuriant zone of the tropics," says Humboldt, 
' ' offers the strongest resistance to changes in the natural 
distribution of vegetable forms." The analogy holds in 
political and social institutions. Tenacious of everything 
that has been his, the Spaniard transplanted to the tropics 
acquires greater resistance. Pushed, he becomes stubborn 
and unyielding. Persuaded, he may be led if too great 
violence is not done to his convictions. To lead and guide, 
not to drive, is the American solution of the race problems 
in the West Indies. 



REPORT OF THE ACADEMY 
COMMITTEE ON MEETINGS 



(179) 



Report of the Academy Committee on Meetings. 

FIFTH ANNUAL MEETING 

OF TH3 

American Academy of Political and 
Social Science. 

Philadelphia, April 12 and ij, ipoi. 



"AMERICA'S RACK PROBLEMS." 

The Fifth Annual Meeting proved to be the best attended 
and most successful the Academy has yet held. The time- 
liness of the topics discussed and the exceptionally even and 
high standard of excellence of the papers presented through- 
out the meeting called forth many words of praise from 
those present, and were reflected in the newspaper comments 
upon the various sessions. 

The meeting was called to order by the President, in the 
Assembly Room of the Manufacturers' Club, on Friday 
afternoon, at 3 o'clock. Dr. Talcott Williams, of Philadel- 
phia, was introduced as the presiding officer. He spoke 
briefly upon the topic of the session, namely, The Races of the 
Pacific, and upon the particular qualifications of the speakers 
announced on the program. He then introduced Dr. Titus 
Munson Coan, of New York City, who gave an address upon 
the Natives of Hawaii. Dr. Coan is the son of a missionary 
to Hawaii, and was himself born on the island and resided 
there for over nineteen years. He spoke most entertainingly 
of the personal impressions of a native-born, of the char- 
acteristics of the people and of their habits and customs. 
He dwelt at some length upon the Polynesian checks to popu- 
lation practiced in the Hawaiian Islands as in other sections 
of Polynesia. 

(1S1) 



1 82 Annals of the American Academy 

Following Dr. Coan the Rev. Charles C. Pierce, D. D., 
United States Army Chaplain, now stationed at Fort Myer, 
Virginia, who has recently returned from over two years of 
service in the Philippines, spoke upon the Tagals, giving a 
very vivid picture ot these people in their relation to the 
other tribes in the Philippine Islands. He emphasized 
especially the fact that the Tagal is an alien in the Philip- 
pines and that his influence and capabilities are much over- 
rated. One incident of this session which is deserving of 
mention, occurred in the discussion following these papers 
when Rev. Dr. Charles Colman, of Philadelphia, bore wit- 
ness to the efficiency of Chaplain Pierce's services in the 
Philippines. Dr. Colman said that he had two sons in the 
war, of whom one died in Cuba while the other returned 
from the Philippine Islands a physical wreck. Speaking of 
the latter he said, ' ' In those long and weary days which 
followed his home-coming, he often talked with me of the 
brave deeds of his companions in the tropical campaign and 
of his experiences in the hospital after he was stricken with 
disease. But, sir, there was one man about whom he fre- 
quently spoke — one whom he held in the highest regard and 
esteem. He has told me of his unfaltering courage and of his 
unshaken faith, of the comfort which he brought and of the 
cheering words he spoke to the sick and lonely, of his loving 
ministrations to the dying and of the patience and persist- 
ence with which he attended the affairs of the dead; no 
soldier passed on his way from those foreign shores to await 
the final reveille whose body was not taken in charge by 
this all-powerful man, and there is no case on record of an 
unidentified body in the province of his duties." Dr. 
Colman further declared that he did not know Dr. Pierce, 
but was very glad to have this opportunity of publicly 
expressing his appreciation of the man. The incident pro- 
duced a marked impression upon the meeting and, along 
with other expressions of admiration for Dr. Pierce's work, 
lent peculiar interest to what he had to say. 



Appendix 183 

A paper by Rev. Oliver C. Miller, A. M., Chaplain of the 
United States Army, upon the Semi-Civilized Tribes of the 
Philippines, was read by title, and is printed in the volume 
of Proceedings. Dr. Miller is now stationed at the Presidio, 
San Francisco. 

The second session was called to order by the President 
of the Academy at the New Century Drawing Room, on 
Friday evening, at 8 o'clock. The President reviewed the 
work of the Academy during the year since the last annual 
meeting, calling attention to the large demand for a wide 
circulation of the Acadenry's publications during the year, 
and especially of the volume on ' ' Corporations, ' ' contain- 
ing the addresses at the last annual meeting. He also 
described the encouraging growth of the Academy in 
numbers and influence, and showed how, through the publi- 
cations, work done by the Academy at its local meetings, 
was extended throughout the country. The need of a larger 
measure of co-operation among the members of the Academy, 
in securing the facilities for making its work permanent, and 
the peculiar responsibility resting upon an organization of 
this character, when public education on social and economic 
questions is so imperative, was emphasized. Professor 
Lindsay then introduced, as the orator of the evening, 
Professor Edward A. Ross, of Nebraska University, who 
delivered the annual address. The subject which Professor 
Ross treated ably in the course of an hour's address was 
" The Causes of Race Superiority." Following the annual 
address an informal reception was held, at which the 
members and their friends and invited guests were 
given an opportunity to meet the speakers of the annual 
meeting. 

On Saturday morning, April 13, many of the out-of-town 
visitors assembled by invitation at 9.30 at the Museum of 
of Science and Art of the University of Pennsylvania, where 
they were received b)^ the Curator, Dr. Stewart Culin, who 
personally conducted the party and described the valuable 



184 Annals op the American Academy 

collections of the Museum. In the Assyrian department Dr. 
Clay, who is associated with Professor Hilprecht, gave a very 
interesting explanation of the tablets recently excavated at 
Nippur and constituting the earliest record of civilization 
which has yet been found. Another party gathered at the 
Philadelphia Commercial Museum at 10.30, where Mr. 
Tingle, one of the officers of the Museum, was in waiting. 
After a brief address on the consular service of the United 
States, he conducted the party through the Museum and 
explained the large and valuable collections of industrial 
products from all over the world, which the Museum has 
collected. 

On both days a large number of members and guests 
gathered for luncheon at the Manufacturers' Club, which 
extended to the Academy throughout the meeting the free- 
dom of its club house, as did also the Art Club of Philadel- 
phia and other social organizations. 

The third session was called to order at 3 o'clock on 
Saturday afternoon, and Colonel Hilary A. Herbert, of 
Alabama, ex-Secretary of the Navy, was introduced as the 
presiding officer, the topic of the session being ' ' The Race 
Problem at the South." Colonel Herbert gave an eloquent 
address presenting a typical Southern white man's view of 
the relations of the whites to the negroes. He then intro- 
duced President George T. Winston, of the North Carolina 
College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts, who addressed 
the meeting on the same topic. During the course of his 
remarks President Winston pictured the conditions existing 
before the war, and claimed that the social relations between 
whites and negroes at that time were far superior to those at 
present, and that of late the races had been drifting apart 
rather than coming together. 

The third and last address at this session was given by 
Professor W. K. Burghardt DuBois, of Atlanta University, 
who analyzed with peculiar calmness and ability the 
' ' Relation of the Negroes to the Whites. ' ' By many present 



Appendix 185 

this address was regarded as the feature of the whole 
program. A paper by President Booker T. Washington, of 
Tuskegee, upon the same topic, was read by title. 

A peculiar interest centered in the closing session, at which 
Senator Orville H. Piatt, of Connecticut, chairman of the 
Senate Committee on Relations with Cuba, and author of 
the Piatt amendment which was then under discussion in the 
Cuban Constitutional Convention — reports of which seemed 
to indicate that it had been rejected — addressed the Academy 
on " Our Relations to the People of Cuba and Porto Rico." 
Also at this session Mr. Charles M. Pepper, author and 
journalist, who has recently been appointed as one of the 
delegates of the United States government to the Pan-Amer- 
ican Congress which will assemble in the city of Mexico in 
October, gave an address on ' ' The Spanish Population of 
Cuba and Porto Rico." Both of these addresses were list- 
ened to by a large and attentive audience. At the conclusion 
of the meeting, on Saturday evening, the Manufacturers' 
Club gave a reception to the speakers at the annual meeting 
and other invited guests, among whom were many of the 
members of the Academy. 

The Committee desires to take this opportunity to express 
its thanks, as well as those of the officers and members of 
the Academy, to the Provost and authorities of the Univer- 
sity of Pennsylvania, to the President and Directors of the 
Manufacturers' Club, to the Director and Board of Trustees 
of the Philadelphia Commercial Museums, to the Union 
League, University and Art Clubs, and to many individuals 
who cannot here be mentioned by name who co-operated 
with the Committee in extending hospitality to the speakers 
and visiting members of the Academy on the occasion of 
the Annual Meeting. The Manufacturers' Club, as on 
previous occasions, gave us the use of its Assembly Room 
and practically of its Club House during the two days of 
our sessions. 

The expenses of the meeting were met in part by an 



1 86 Annaes of the American Academy 

appropriation from the treasury of the Academy and in part 
by a special fund, to which leading citizens, interested in 
the educational purpose of the meeting and recognizing its 
importance, contributed. 

As a matter of record the Committee desires in conclusion 
to note the other scientific sessions of the Academy held 
during the interval between the Fourth and Fifth Annual 
Meetings, as follows : 

November 20, 1900, Sixty-Seventh Scientific Ses- 
sion. 

Stibject. — " The Causes of the Unpopularity of the For- 
eigner in China." 

Addresses by — The Chinese Minister, His Excellency Wu 
Ting-fang, Washington, D. C; Rev. William A. P. Martin, 
D. D. , LE. D., President of the Imperial University of Pekin, 
and the Honorable George F. Seward, Ex-Minister to China. 

December 18, 1900, Sixty-eighth Scientific Session. 

Stibject.—" The Problem of the Tropics." 

Addresses by — Professor John H. Finley, Princeton Univer- 
sity; Honorable Frederico Degetau, Commissioner from 
Porto Rico to the United States, and General Roy Stone, 
member of General Miles' Staff in Porto Rico. 

January 15, 1901, Sixty-ninth Scientific Session. 

Subject. — "Recent Tendencies in Free Political Institu- 
tions. ' ' 

Addresses by — Honorable J. E. M. Curry, EE. D., Ex- 
Minister to Spain and General Secretary of the Peabody 
and Slater Educational Funds, on ' ' Centralization in Gov- 
ernment and the Causes of the Present Decay in Eocal 
Government and Some of Its Remedies ;" Dr. Albert Shaw, 
Editor of the Review of Reviews, and Dr. James T. Young, 
University of Pennsylvania, 



Appendix 187 

February 19, 1901, Seventieth Scientific Session. 

Subject.—' 1 The Isthmian Canal." 

Addresses by — Professor Emory R. Johnson, University of 
Pennsylvania, on "The Political and Economic Aspects of 
the Isthmian Canal,'' and Colonel Peter C. Hains, Corps of 
Engineers, U. S. A., on " The Military Value of the Canal." 

Finally, the Committee on Meetings takes pleasure in 
expressing its gratitude to the speakers who have taken part 
in the various meetings of the year and who have given us 
generously of their time and service, without other compen- 
sation than the sense of satisfaction which comes from 
having performed a public duty and having had a part in 
the educational work which the Academy is doing. 

The social features of our meetings have added much to 
their pleasure and profit and the Committee begs to thank 
the following ladies who have served upon one or other 
of the Reception Commitees during the year: Mrs. Charles 
Custis Harrison (chairman). Mrs. DeForest Willard (vice- 
chairman), Mrs. Leverett Bradley, Mrs. John H. Converse, 
Mrs. Stephen W. Dana, Mrs. Theodore N. Ely, Mrs. 
Adam H. Fetterolf, Mrs. Samuel McCune Lindsay, Mrs. 
Edward M. Paxson, Mrs. Charles Roberts, Mrs. Henry 
Rogers Seager, Mrs. Talcott Williams, Mrs. Owen Wister, 
Mrs. Clinton Rogers Woodruff. 

Respectfully submitted, 

Samuee McCune Lindsay, 

Chairman. 

Simon N. Patten, 

-r- _ ' > Committee 071 Meetings. 

Henry R. Seager, 

Clinton Rogers Woodruff,